Elsewhere Today (408)
Aljazeera:
Opec 'to cut oil production'
Thursday 05 October 2006, 15:50 Makka Time, 12:50 GMT
Opec is considering holding an emergency meeting to discuss the possibility of cutting output, Nigeria's oil minister has said.
"We are toying with the idea of an emergency meeting," Edmund Daukoru, who also serves as president of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, said on Thursday.
Other opec officials said on Thursday that "the direction and spirit are there" for the organisation, which pumps more than a third of the world's oil, to cut production as the US economy slows and rival producers bring new supplies to market.
Any reduction would aim to stem a price slide that has brought prices to just under $60 a barrel - 25% lower than prices were in mid-July, Opec trackers say.
The Financial Times newspaper reported on Thursday that Opec was poised to cut at least one million barrels, or four percent of daily production.
The 11-member organisation is due to meet in Nigeria on December 14 but some states, including Saudi Arabia, the world's biggest exporter, are already trimming supplies, shipping sources and customers have said.
Last week Nigeria, Opec's sixth biggest producer and Venezuela, the fourth biggest, announced token output cuts, totalling 170,000 barrels per day or less than one percent of Opec's output.
But since then oil prices have fallen further on rising US stockpiles, drawing the first reaction from Opec's core Gulf producers.
Gulf concerns
Sheikh Ali al-Jarrah al-Sabah, the Kuwaiti oil minister, raised the chance of broader action on Wednesday, saying that his country might also cut back if prices continued to fall sharply.
The Opec delegate said that while Saudi Arabia had not commented on the market so far, the fact that it raised the price of its heavier crude to Europe on Wednesday indicated the kingdom may be cutting supply.
Iran and Libya also support a cutback while the UAE is also likely to do so, the Financial Times newspaper reported on Thursday, quoting Opec insiders.
US oil prices have trebled in the space of four years, but are currently far below their mid-July peak of $78.40.
Andrew Harrington, a resource analyst at ANZ Bank, said: "Obviously, Opec has seen that the world economy can keep going at $65 to $75, so they don't see any reason why prices should fall too much further."
Conflicting signals
On Wednesday, Saudi Arabia's ambassador to the US reiterated the kingdom's long-standing view that there was an abundance of crude oil.
The price for Opec's own basket of crudes fell to $54.19 a barrel on Wednesday.
Opec members have sent conflicting signals on price.
Iran's oil minister said last month he wanted to see Opec oil at or above $60, equating to around $65 for US oil.
At the other extreme, Kuwait's oil minister said on Wednesday he would be worried by US oil at $50, putting the Opec basket at about $45.
Reuters
http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/20C62388-D629-416F-9E33-F2C901D5C2F9.htm
allAfrica:
Nine Feared Dead in Militants' Fresh Attack
By Jimitota Onoyume, Kingsley Omonobi & Victor Ahiuma-Young
Vanguard (Lagos) NEWS
October 5, 2006
The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND claimed, last night, to have killed nine soldiers in a fire fight at Kulama in Rivers State and issued evacuation warnings to oil operators in the restive region. "In the ensuing firefight, which lasted about one and a half hours, our units captured two gunboats, killing all occupants, nine soldiers," MEND said in a statement emailed to AFP.
There was no official confirmation of the MEND's statement at press time..
MEND said that at about 5 p.m.yesterday, its units dispatched to communities in Rivers State were attacked by nine gunboats and one helicopter gunship of the Nigerian Army.
"Our prescence in Rivers State is being beefed up by about 500 fighters which had earlier been dispatched and will be in Rivers State by nightfall," the MEND statement said.
The group said that it was being "forced" to act ahead of its planned major strike on the nation's oil industry.
Alos, armed militants in the Niger Delta, had on Tuesday night, killed two Nigerians and abducted seven foreigners working for the US oil company, Exxon Mobil, in yet another attack, the third in two days.
The 16 remaining oil employees of a sub-contractor of Shell who were abducted by militants in the first of the latest round of attacks were released yesterday. Five soldiers were killed in that incident.
The attacks have drawn flak from the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) which asked government to provide adequate security for its members and other innocent people in the Niger Delta.
The Army which lost five of its men in Monday's attack in Rivers State may carry out reprisal attack in the event of any soldier getting killed again.
The two Nigerians killed in Tuesday night attack were security guards at the residential quarters of the expatriates near Mobil exports terminal in Eket, Akwa Ibom State.
One of the kidnapped victims is a Romanian national, said Romania's ambassador to Nigeria, Emil Rapcea. "According to unconfirmed information, one of the five workers abducted is a Romanian," he said, adding that he was awaiting confirmation from the Nigerian authorities. The nationalities of the other four are not known.
The seven were seized late Tuesday by armed men who stormed their quarters. Sources said two Nigerian security guards were killed during the attack around 8.00 p.m. on Tuesday.
A company spokesman said the kidnapped workers were employees of a sub-contractor to Mobil. "They are not our direct employees but they work for a firm that has a contact with us," he said.
He said the incident had not affected the company's exports. "There are no disruptions in operation. Everything is going on smoothly," he said and urged the Nigerian security agencies to track down the attackers.
The militants carrying out Tuesday's attack were not immediately identified and there was no immediate claim of responsibility.
On Monday, about 70 men attacked a site belonging to the Royal Dutch Shell Company in neighbouring Rivers State, killing 14 soldiers and kidnapping 25 workers, military and company sources said. Nine of the workers were freed on Tuesday, and the remaining 16 were released yesterday.
Responsibility for that attack was claimed by the Joint Revolutionary Council (JRC), a grouping of several militant movements. The JRC said in a statement that the attack was aimed at obtaining the immediate release of Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo Asari, the imprisoned leader of the Niger Delta People's Volunteer Force (NDPVF).
MEND vows to confront soldiers
The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) which has claimed responsibility for kidnappings of foreign oil workers said early yesterday it had mobilised fighters to counter a military offensive by government.
The group in a statement claimed that the military was planning a siege on Ijaw communities following the killing of five soldiers in Rivers State on Monday. "In response to the build up of Nigerian military forces... we decided to send a number of our fighters into Rivers State to assist communities which we perceive will shortly be under siege by the Nigerian military," it said in the online statement.
"These fighters will remain in the vicinity of Rivers State until the perceived threat to Ijaw communities in Rivers State ceases to exist," it said.
The group denied responsibility for Monday's incident, but warned oil firms and personnel against depending on the Nigerian military for protection. "As long as the injustice persists in the delta, there will be no peace for those who loot the wealth of our oppressed people," it warned.
16 released
Also yesterday, militants released 16 remaining oil employees of a sub-contractor to Anglo-Dutch oil giant Shell two days after kidnapping a group of workers. "I can confirm that the remaining hostages were released this morning (yesterday). They were 24 or so in number. Nine were released yesterday (Tuesday)," the spokesman, who requested anonymity, said.
"The efforts paid off this morning (yesterday) when the remaining oil workers were released unhurt," the industry official, a spokesman for a major oil group, said, adding no ransom was paid.
He said the men were seized to "serve as a shield for the separatist fighters in their face-off with the Nigerian security agents. The men were upbeat. No harm was done to any of them."
Army on reprisal attack
Vanguard gathered yesterday that the army may, henceforth, carry out reprisal attacks against any group in the Niger Delta that kills a soldier. A military source said in Abuja that but for the intervention of the presidency, the army would have moved against those suspected of killing five soldiers in Monday's attack on a Shell facility in Rivers State.
"Who the hell do they (militants) think they are, by the way, that they should be gunning down Nigerian soldiers who are symbols of the nation's unity, peace and stability?" the source wondered.
"Or are they the only ones suffering from deprivation? Are they better than other Nigerians? Who looks after the families of these late soldiers now? They cannot continue to get away with this murderous attitude. What message are they sending to other parts of the country? It would look like if you kill soldiers in other parts of the country, you can't get away with it but if you do that in the Niger Delta, you go scot free. That is not true."
Army denies attack
But spokesman for the Two Amphibious Brigade, Port Harcourt, Major Sagir Musa, denied yesterday that the army planned a reprisal attack on communities around Cawthorne Channel where five soldiers on guard duty were killed on Monday by militants.
The army PRO, who dismissed the fear, said the army was too responsible to indulge in that kind of lawlessness, adding that some communities in the area had been aiding the army in its search and rescue operation in the area since the incident.
Major Musa said he would be ready to speak on their findings and details of casualties at the end of the exercise. He, however, added that they had recovered two boats belonging to the militants that sank during the attack.
"People should not panic. Information at my disposal is that people are thinking the army would launch reprisal attack sagainst neighbouring communities in the area. Let me assure responsible law-abiding citizens of the state and the local government that the army is not planning any reprisal attack. We are not thinking the militants have anything to do with the local governments."
Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) has condemned the latest wave of violence and attacks on oil workers and facilities
PENGASSAN in a statement by its acting General Secretary, Comrade Lumumba Okugbawa, reiterated the allegation by the association that it believed these unfortunate violence and hostage takings were being perpetrated by a high powered cabal operating in the Niger Delta.
The association advised those involved in the attacks and hostage-taking to ceasefire against oil workers in Nigeria, reminding that Nigerians were also working outside the shores of Nigeria.
The oil workers under the aegis of PENGASSAN and its National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) counterpart, recently went on a two-day strike to protest the insecurity of in the region.
He said: "Our attention has been drawn to reports on another hostage taking incident at Bristows residential compound at Eket in Akwa Ibom State where seven expatriates were kidnapped and also an attack on an oil vessel in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, where 16 of the 25 Shell Petroleum Development Company contractors are still missing. We believe these actions are perpetrated by a high powered cabal operating in the various levels of government in the Niger Delta masquerading under the title of militant youths against innocent workers.
"This recent hostage saga and violence are coming less than two months after the death of our late comrade, Nelson Ujeya, the Community Liaison Officer of the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), who was abducted on the 8th of August, 2006 by militants from Letugbene community in Ekereomor Local Government area of Bayelsa State.
"Also, the militants launched a fresh attack close to Krakroma in Rivers State and Cawthorne Channel gas gathering plant at Elem-Kalabari in Asari-Toru council area of Rivers State, one of the major oil reserves in the region."
Copyright © 2006 Vanguard. All rights reserved. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com).
http://allafrica.com/stories/200610050124.html
AlterNet:
Bush Dismantles Child Care
By Ruth Rosen, TomPaine.com
Posted on October 5, 2006
What kind of society have we become? Before members of Congress departed for recess, they gave President George W. Bush - hardly known for his wisdom or compassion - the right to define what constitutes torture and to suspend the constitutional right of habeas corpus. But our elected representatives couldn't find time to pass the Labor, Health and Human Service appropriations bill which, among things, funds child care.
The "Child Care Crisis" - the absence of anyone to care for America's children, elderly and disabled - has turned into the new millennium's version of the "Problem That Has No Name," It is the 800-pound elephant that sits in Congress, our homes and offices - gigantic, but ignored.
And, it keeps getting worse. According to a new 50-state report on child care policies just released by the National Women's Law Center, the Bush administration has successful dismantled government services for children. State funds for child care assistance have fallen for the fifth year in a row. The problem will soon become catastrophic when large numbers of single mothers bump up against their five-year life limit on welfare.
The report portrays a bleak picture of our national child care deficit. Nancy Duff Campbell, co-president of NWLC, says that: "The new federal welfare work requirement [passed this year] creates more demand for child care assistance without providing enough funding to meet that demand." No big surprise here. Many of us always knew that the elimination of guaranteed welfare - replaced by Temporary Assistance to Need Families - was designed to reduce the number of women on the welfare rolls, not to reduce poverty.
The report also finds that states are failing to adequately compensate providers. Helen Blank, NWLC director of leadership and public policy, describes the consequences of paying child care workers such poor wages:
Low-income children are denied critical early learning experiences. Parents find it difficult to access the child care they need to work. And providers, who are often low-income women themselves, face earning less or going out of business.
Poor working mothers face other barriers as well. Two-thirds of the states have raised the income eligibility and copayments for child care and 18 states have long waiting lists. All of these barriers to adequate childcare make it extremely difficult for women to work, feel confident that their children are safe and to get off welfare.
But do either Democrats or Republicans think this constitutes a threat to the national security of our society? No. In fact, more than three decades after Congress passed - and President Richard Nixon vetoed - the 1971 comprehensive child care legislation, child care has all but dropped off the national political agenda. And, with each passing year, the child care crisis only grows larger, burdening the lives of working mothers. But it never reaches our nation's political agenda.
Anti-feminists naturally blame the women's movement for abandoning their children for the impossible ideal of "having it all." But it was journalists and popular writers, not women's rights activists, who created the myth of the "superwoman." Feminists of the 1960s and 1970s always knew that women couldn't do it alone. In fact, they insisted that men share the housework and child rearing and that government and business should provide and subsidize child care.
Single mothers naturally suffer the most from the child care crisis, but even with two parents, there is not much time for family life. Parents become overwhelmed, children feel cranky, workers quietly seethe and gulp antacids and sleeping pills, and volunteering in community life gradually vanishes.
Overworked American families, whose time spent at work has increased three extra weeks between 1986 and 1997, suffer from what sociologist Arlie Hochschild has called a "time bind." But both social conservatives and the Religious Right, who glorify "family values," refuse to support any national effort to help working families regain a sense of stability and balance.
Conventional wisdom also reinforces the widespread myth that child care is not a problem, that American women have gained equality, entered a new post-feminist era and that it's time for disgruntled feminists "to move on." This is hardly new. Ever since 1970, the mainstream media has been pronouncing the death of feminism and reporting that women have returned home to care for their children. The early 21st century version of this journalistic narrative describes - with a certain celebratory tone - how elite, wealthy and predominantly white women are "choosing" to ditch their educational credentials and "opting out" in favor of home and children.
What's missing in all these stories is the fact that the vast majority of ordinary middle-class and low-income working mothers have to work. They have no choice. Such stories also obscure the reality that an absence of quality, affordable, and accessible child care and flexible working hours greatly contributes to a woman's so-called "choice" to stay at home.
Poverty - like the child care crisis - remains invisible to mainstream America and largely outside the national political discourse. Yet, in 2004, the U.S. Census Bureau announced that poverty rates in U.S. had increased for the fourth straight year and had jumped from 31.6 million people in 2000 to 37 million, including 13 million children.
Rather expanding Head Start, the government issues vouchers that all too often result in inadequate child care. And many mothers who can't get subsidized child care assistance reluctantly leave their children with irresponsible relatives or babysitters they have good reasons not to trust.
While the media celebrates the highly-educated career woman who quits her job to become a stay-at-home mom, the government requires single mothers on TANF to leave their children somewhere, anywhere, so that they can fulfill their requirement to work and get off welfare.
Congress's indifference to child care, however, is merely one example of this country's failure to address poverty and the growing child care crisis. It's easier to sacrifice cherished civil liberties in the name of fighting "the war on terror" than to address the need for superior education, universal health coverage, climate change, subsidized child care, mass transit, and affordable housing, all of which constitutes real national security for families and their children.
Look into the mirror. What are your values? Is your sense of security only tied to a national security program that has resulted in two failed wars and an unprecedented assault on our democratic rights? That is the question that all Americans should ask themselves before they cast their votes in November.
Ruth Rosen is a historian and journalist who teaches public policy at UC Berkeley. She is a senior fellow at the Longview Institute. A new edition of her most recent book, The World Split Open: How the Modern Women's Movement Changed America (Penguin, 2001), will be published with an updated epilogue in 2007.
© 2006 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at:
http://www.alternet.org/story/42507/
Asia Times:
Taliban lay plans for Islamic intifada
By Syed Saleem Shahzad
Oct 6, 2006
THE PASHTUN HEARTLAND, Pakistan and Afghanistan - With the snows approaching, the Taliban's spring offensive has fallen short of its primary objective of reviving the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan, as the country was known under Taliban rule from 1996-2001.
Both foreign forces and the Taliban will bunker down until next spring, although the Taliban are expected to continue with suicide missions and some hit-and-run guerrilla activities. The Taliban will take refuge in the mountains that cross the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, where they will have plenty of time to plan the next stage
of their struggle: a countrywide "Islamic Intifada of Afghanistan" calling on all former mujahideen to join the movement to boot out foreign forces from Afghanistan.
The intifada will be both national and international. On the one hand it aims to organize a national uprising, and on the other it will attempt to make Afghanistan the hub of the worldwide Islamic resistance movement, as it was previously under the Taliban when Osama bin Laden and his training camps were guests of the country.
The ideologue of the intifada is bin Laden's deputy, Dr Ayman al-Zawahiri, who has assembled a special team to implement the idea. Key to this mission is Mullah Mehmood Allah Haq Yar. Asia Times Online was early to pinpoint Haq Yar as an important player (see Osama adds weight to Afghan resistance, September 11, 2004).
Oriented primarily towards Arabs, especially Zawahiri, Haq Yar speaks English, Arabic, Urdu and Pashtu with great fluency. He was sent by Taliban leader Mullah Omar to northern Iraq to train with Ansarul Islam fighters before the US-led invasion of Afghanistan. He returned to Afghanistan in 2004 and was inducted into a special council of commanders formed by Mullah Omar and assigned the task of shepherding all foreign fighters and high-value targets from Pakistani territory into Afghanistan.
He is an expert in urban guerrilla warfare, a skill he has shared with the Taliban in Afghanistan. His new task might be more challenging: to gather local warlords from north to south under one umbrella and secure international support from regional players.
A major first step toward creating an intifada in Afghanistan was the establishment of the Islamic State of North Waziristan in the Pakistani tribal area this year. This brought all fragmented sections of the Taliban under one command, and was the launching pad for the Taliban's spring offensive.
Subsequently, there has been agreement between a number of top warlords in northern Afghanistan and the Taliban to make the intifada a success next year. Credit for this development goes mainly to Haq Yar.
Haq Yar was recently almost cornered in Helmand province in Afghanistan by British forces. Before that, he spoke to Asia Times Online at an undisclosed location in the Pashtun heartland straddling Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Asia Times Online: When are the Taliban expected to announce the revival of the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan?
Haq Yar: Well, the whole Islamic world is waiting for the revival of the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan, but it will take some time. But sure, it will ultimately happen, and this is what the Taliban's struggle is all about.
ATol: Can you define the level of Taliban-led resistance in Afghanistan?
Haq Yar: It has already passed the initial phases and now has entered into a tactical and decisive phase. It can be measured from the hue and cry raised by the US and its allies. Daily attacks on NATO [North Atlantic Treaty Organization] forces are now routine and suicide attacks are rampant.
ATol: To date, the Taliban have been very active in southwestern Afghanistan, but traditionally success comes when a resistance reaches eastern areas, especially the strategically important Jalalabad. When will this happen?
Haq Yar: Well, I do not agree that the Taliban movement is restricted to southwest Afghanistan. We have now established a network under which we are allied with many big and small mujahideen organizations, and in that way we are fighting foreign forces throughout Afghanistan. In a recent development, the deputy chief of the Taliban movement, Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani, is now positioned in the eastern zone, including Jalalabad, from where he is guiding attacks on coalition forces. This eastern zone is also part of the Taliban's stronghold.
ATol: What is the role of bin Laden and Zawahiri?
Haq Yar: We are allies and part and parcel of every strategy. Wherever mujahideen are resisting the forces of evil, Arab mujahideen, al-Qaeda and leaders Osama bin Laden and Dr Zawahiri have a key role. In Afghanistan they also have a significant role to support the Taliban movement.
ATol: Is the present Taliban-led resistance against the US and its allies a local resistance or is it international? That is, are resistance movements in other parts of the world led from Afghanistan?
Haq Yar: Initially it was a local movement, but now it is linked with resistance movements in Iraq and other places. We are certainly in coordination with all resistance movements of the Muslim world.
ATol: What is the Taliban strategy with groups like Hezb-i-Islami Afghanistan led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and the Hezb-i-Islami Afghanistan (Khalis)?
Haq Yar: The Hezb-i-Islami of Hekmatyar and the Taliban are fighting under a coordinated strategy and support each other. The leadership of the Khalis group is now in the hands of his son, who is coordinating everything with Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani.
ATol: What is the Taliban's weaponry? Is it old Russian arms or they have acquired new ones - and if so, where are they getting them?
Haq Yar: The Taliban have all the latest weaponry required for a guerrilla warfare. Where does it come from? Well, Afghanistan is known as a place where weapons are stockpiled. And forces that provided arms a few decades ago - the same weapons are now being used against them.
ATol: The Taliban contacted commanders in northern Afghanistan. What was the result?
Haq Yar: About one and a half years ago these contacts were initiated. Various groups from the north contacted us. We discussed the matter with [Taliban leader] Mullah Mohammed Omar Akhund and then, with his consent, I was assigned to negotiate matters with the Northern Alliance.
The first meeting was held in northern Afghanistan, where I represented the Taliban. Many individuals from various groups of the Northern Alliance attended the meeting and they all condemned the foreign presence in the country, but insisted that the Taliban should take the lead, and then they would follow suit. Another meeting was held after that in which various individuals come up with some conditions, and there was no conclusion. There was no collective meeting, but there are contacts.
ATol: What is the role of the tribal chiefs?
Haq Yar: The tribal chiefs have always been supportive of the Taliban and still are. How could they not be? The US bombed and killed thousand of their people and the puppet [President Hamid] Karzai government is silent. All Afghans are sick and tired of US tyrannies and daily bombardment, whether they are commoners or chiefs, and that is why they are all with the Taliban.
Actually, we have also worked on organizing that support. On the instructions of Mullah Mohammed Omar Akhund, I met with tribal chiefs last year and prepared the grounds for this year's battle [spring offensive], and all tribal chiefs assured me of their support. And now there is support - it is there for everybody to see.
ATol: It is said that the Taliban are now fueled by drug money. Is this correct, and if not, how do they manage their financial matters?
Haq Yar: It is shameful to say that the Taliban, who eliminated poppies from Afghanistan, are dependent on the drug trade to make money. This is wrong. As far as money is concerned, we do not need much. Whatever is required, we manage it through our own limited resources.
ATol: Are you satisfied with the media's role?
Haq Yar: Not at all. They do not publish our point of view. They never tried to talk to the genuine Taliban. Rather, they go after not genuine people who are basically plants and rejected by the Taliban leadership.
Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at saleem_shahzad2002@yahoo.com
Copyright 2006 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved.
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/HJ06Df01.html
Asia Times:
Kabul wakes up to suicide attacks
By Ricardo Grassi
KABUL - Relatively calm just a month ago, the Afghan capital has been hit by a spate of deadly suicide bombings, unnerving the residents toughened by a quarter-century of constant warfare.
"You know, every morning I have to cross the city on my way from home to the office," said Rahimullah Samander, one of Afghanistan's best-known journalists and founder of an independent national association of journalists. "You cannot know when it might happen to you too," he said, referring to random bombings.
Last Saturday saw the bloodiest of a wave of attacks since September 1 that has left 41 people dead and 105 others wounded. A Taliban suicide bomber blew himself up at the gate of the well-guarded Interior Ministry, killing four Afghan soldiers and eight civilians and wounding 42 others, according to police sources.
Analysts say the suicide bombings represent a major shift in tactics by the Taliban, from fighting US-led coalition forces in the rugged hinterland to taking them on in the urban areas, especially Kabul and the southern cities.
Through the wars against the invading forces of the Soviet Union in the 1980s, the civil war that followed and the US-led invasion in 2001, Afghan fighters were never known to resort to suicide bombings, but seem now to have borrowed the idea from Iraq.
Only two weeks ago, US military spokesman Colonel Tom Collins admitted that at least one suicide-bombing cell was operating in Kabul and dedicated to targeting foreign troops.
Mir Rohullah Sadat, design and layout manager of the Killid Group, a media company owning two national weeklies and two radio channels, in Kabul and in the western city of Herat, was to visit last weekend a printing house in Pul-e-Charki, a village 20 kilometers out of Kabul, to oversee production of a magazine on human rights in the country. "It is risky. But I just go," he said.
Sadat was lucky once again. Monday saw the latest suicide attack on the Kabul-Jalalabad road. The target was a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) convoy and the blast left six injured. A second suicide bomber was neutralized before he could set off the explosives strapped around his body.
The Kabul-Jalalabad road leading to Pul-e-Charki has been hit four times this month, killing one British soldier and four civilians. Those injured include two engineers from the United States, three British soldiers and seven Afghans.
Sadat is young but remembers the fight to capture Kabul between Ahmad Shah Masoud's Northern Alliance and the Taliban 10 years ago. It was the fiercest battle in the civil war that followed the defeat of the Soviet army, in 1989, and ended with the Taliban taking the city on September 26, 1996. "It was terrible, though with open fighting you know what to expect - not with bombs and suicide bombers," he said.
On September 20, the Killid Group and Inter Press Service (IPS) together with three local media organizations were to open "Media is Development - First International and Afghan Media and Civil Society Forum". But after a suicide bombing that killed two US soldiers and 14 Afghan civilians at the Great Masoud Square on the morning of September 8, the organizers, on the advice of NATO, decided to postpone it.
"This is not isolated, nor linked to the anniversary of Masoud's death, and we expect it to continue," NATO advised. Masoud was killed on September 9, 2001, by two suspected al-Qaeda members masquerading as television journalists with a bomb concealed in their camera, two days before the aerial attacks on New York and the Pentagon.
What next? The winter snow brought calm in previous years, but military and United Nations estimates warn that this year will not be the same. The open war, now in the south, will move to terrorist actions in the cities, mainly Kabul, they predict.
The category needed to frame international intervention still names Afghanistan as a "post-conflict country". "We hope so," said Samander with a bitter smile.
Perhaps the most accurate description of the Taliban is the one given by NATO commander General David Richards. In July, soon after arriving in Kabul, he said that the Taliban were not terrorists but insurgents. Two weeks ago, in an interview given to British Channel 4 TV, he estimated that it would take a three-to-five-year campaign to defeat the Taliban.
With 41,000 US and NATO troops fighting the "war on terror" and no political plan to lead the country out of corruption and the drug business derived from poppy farming, the country is beginning to shows signs of disintegration.
The resurgence of the Taliban using bases across the border in Pakistan's Waziristan region has already soured relations between the two neighbors that share a long and porous border. It has led to serious differences between Afghan President Hamid Karzai and his Pakistani counterpart President General Pervez Musharraf.
Last week, Karzai and Musharraf, both regarded by the US as allies in the "war on terror", were in Washington, where during separate and joint meetings with President George W Bush they agreed anew to cooperate, according to White House press briefings.
After fighting the Taliban on Pakistan's side of the border, Musharraf signed a truce with the insurgents in June and then followed it up last month with a comprehensive pact under which the Taliban are supposed to stop launching attacks into Afghanistan against US and NATO troops.
But IPS earlier reported evidence of suicide bombers being recruited, trained and armed in Pakistan before being sent to Afghanistan to carry out their deadly missions.
Not only do the Taliban openly condole or congratulate the families of suicide bombers who die in Afghanistan, but the bodies of Pakistani insurgents who die battling US and NATO troops in the restive southern provinces of Kandahar, Helmand and Uruzgan are routinely taken across the border for burial in lawless Waziristan and other border regions of Pakistan.
The Taliban, who have vowed to topple the Karzai government and drive out the foreign forces that support it, have enormous sympathy among their Pashtun ethnic kinsfolk who straddle the rugged Pakistan-Afghanistan border.
(Inter Press Service)
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/HJ06Df02.html
Clarín: El 2006 ya es el año
con más periodistas asesinados de la última década
Según la Asociación Mundial de Periódicos, en lo que va del año fueron ultimados 75 profesionales de medios de comunicación. Más de un tercio murieron en Irak y 11 en países de América Latina.
Clarín.com, 05.10.2006
En lo que va del año fueron asesinados en el mundo 75 periodistas y profesionales de los medios de comunicación, con lo que, cuando todavía faltan casi tres meses para que empiece el 2007, el 2006 ya es "el año más mortífero" para la prensa desde 1997, año en que la Asociación Mundial de Periódicos (WAN) comenzó a elaborar sus registros.
El reporte difundido hoy por la organización señala a Irak como el país más peligroso para los periodistas, con 26 profesionales de medios de comunicación asesinados. La segunda nación de la lista es Filipinas, con 8 reporteros ultimados. Y el informe señala además 11 muertos en América Latina.
El director de la WAN, Timothy Balding, apuntó que, en Irak, a los riesgos obvios de una situación de guerra se suma el hecho de que muchos reporteros son perseguidos "pura y simplemente porque se los considera sospechosos de cooperar con medios occidentales, por su pertenencia religiosa o política o porque los asesinos piensan que matándolos es como lograrán sus objetivos".
Además del país del Golfo y Filipinas –donde, según Balding, "pandillas criminales y políticos corruptos siguen atentando impunemente contra periodistas de investigación"-, la WAN reportó 6 asesinatos de profesionales de los medios en Guayana; 5 en Sri Lanka; 4 en Colombia; 3 en Pakistán; 2 en Angola, China, Ecuador, India, el Líbano y Venezuela; y uno en Afganistán, Bangladesh, Brasil, República Democrática del Congo, Guatemala, Indonesia, México, Rusia, Somalía, Sudán y Turkmenistán.
El listado incluye a los periodistas asesinados mientras cumplían con su profesión o por motivos vinculados a esta y los casos en los que los motivos de los crímenes no están claros o las investigaciones son incompletas.
Los anteriores años más mortíferos fueron 2004 y 1999, cuando fueron asesinados 72 y 70 profesionales de medios de comunicación, respectivamente.
Copyright 1996-2006 Clarín.com - All rights reserved
http://www.clarin.com/diario/2006/10/05/um/m-01284495.htm
Guardian:
Nato takes over Afghan security
Staff and agencies
Thursday October 5, 2006
Nato has taken command of security across all of Afghanistan, with the international force today assuming control of US troops in the east.
Lieutenant General David Richards, the British commander in charge of Nato's 31,000 troops in the country, said the expansion of the Nato force was an "historic" move.
Around 12,000 American soldiers will now come under the direct control of Nato, making the US the biggest contributor to the international coalition. The US force will join around 5,200 British troops, most of them stationed in the volatile Helmand province, where they have fought fierce gun battles with Taliban militias.
A further 8,000 US troops will function outside Nato control, tracking al-Qaida, helping train Afghan security forces and carrying out reconstruction work.
The amalgamation with US soldiers will come as a major morale boost for the beleaguered British forces struggling to contain the insurgency in the south of the country.
Since the start of the year, 35 British soldiers have died and 41 have been injured in action, according to MoD figures.
The handover will confine US control to the sprawling American base at Bagram, with prisons and interrogation centres at the airbase remaining outside Nato jurisdiction.
At a ceremony that was also attended by the Afghan president, Hamid Karzai, Gen Richards said the handover showed "the enduring commitment of Nato and its international partners to the future of this great country".
It marks an historic expansion for the largely European alliance that was created as a cold war bulwark against the Soviet Union.
Nato's combat role in southern Afghanistan is the largest the alliance has ever undertaken.
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2006
http://www.guardian.co.uk/nato/story/0,,1888224,00.html
Guardian:
Mau Mau veterans to sue Britain over torture and killings
Chris McGreal in Nairobi
Thursday October 5, 2006
An ageing group of former Mau Mau insurgents will launch legal action in the UK next week accusing the British army and colonial authorities of torturing or illegally killing thousands of Kenyans during the independence rebellion 50 years ago.
Lawyers acting for the Mau Mau veterans say they will serve the Foreign Office with a notice of intent to seek compensation for human rights abuses involving a group of about 10 Kenyans in what is being seen as a test case.
Those involved have given accounts of rape, systematic and prolonged beatings and other physical torture that caused permanent injury and starvation as part of a British policy to break the rebellion. Some also witnessed killings.
But if the case comes to court it is likely to divide Kenya by highlighting the part played in suppressing the Mau Mau by some Kenyans who went on to hold senior posts in government. The insurgents also killed many more black Kenyans than white settlers.
The claimants say they were held for years in detention camps during the seven years that followed Britain's declaration of the "Kenya emergency" in 1952.
Jane Muthoni Mara was 15 when she was arrested for supplying Mau Mau fighters with food. She says a white army officer ordered her torture, and that it was carried out by a black soldier who shoved a bottle into her vagina to force her to reveal the whereabouts of her brother, a member of the Mau Mau.
"There was a [Kenyan soldier] called Edward. He filled the bottle with hot water and then pushed it into my private parts with his foot. I screamed and screamed," she said. "Other women held at the camp were raped the same way. I have never forgotten it."
Another former detainee, M'Mucheke Mucheke Kioru, says he was beaten senseless on several occasions by an officer.
"He ordered me to lie down with my face down and severely beat me all over my back from the lower spinal cord. I was beaten until sperms were coming out of my penis like a stream. I believe this is when I lost the ability to have children," he said.
The Kenyan Human Rights Commission, which is backing the former prisoners' legal claim, says about 160,000 people were detained in dire conditions and that tens of thousands were tortured to get them to renounce their oath to the Mau Mau. Britain set up the camps in response to the brutal killings of white settlers, including women and children.
After the emergency was lifted in 1961, an official report determined that 32 whites had been killed by the insurgency while more than 11,000 Africans died, many of them civilians. Others put the death toll much higher.
Lawyers for the claimants are likely to call as a witness a US academic, Caroline Elkins, whose acclaimed book, Britain's Gulag, estimates that up to 100,000 Kenyans died of torture, abuse and neglect in the British camps.
The British authorities also hanged hundreds of Mau Mau members for offences other than killing, such as illegal possession of arms or associating with people illegally carrying weapons.
Martin Day, the British lawyer representing the former detainees, said torture was not carried out by just a few rogue soldiers, but was rather the policy of the colonial authorities. "In torturing people under their control, or allowing torture to take place, the British were negligent, they committed assault, they breached the European convention on human rights that was in effect at the time and they caused very severe suffering," he said.
A spokeswoman for the British High Commission in Nairobi, Charley Williams, said the government would contest the lawsuit. "If and when legal proceedings are brought forward we would defend them vigorously on two grounds. First, all claims and responsibilities pass to the Kenyan government on independence and, second, after 50 years or so it would be impossible for there to be a fair trial of the issues," she said.
Mr Day conceded that it would not be an easy case to win.
"It's a tough case, no question about it, because of the length of time that has passed and because the British government will be worried about the precedent it will set," he said. "But it's a case that absolutely has to be brought. It's very important for the victims to have a historic acknowledgement by the British government that what it did was very wrong."
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2006
http://www.guardian.co.uk/kenya/story/0,,1888499,00.html
Guardian:
India on alert as dengue fever spreads
Randeep Ramesh in New Delhi
Thursday October 5, 2006
An outbreak of mosquito-borne diseases across India has left scores of people dead and swamped hospitals and clinics, exposing the country's shabby public health system.
Medical officials say almost 600 cases of dengue fever have been reported, with the death toll topping 93 in the past six weeks.
In the southern state of Kerala, 71 people have died in the past month from a rare viral fever known as chikungunya, also carried by mosquitoes. But it is dengue that caused the greatest concern after reports today that three members of the prime minister's family were taken to hospital suffering with high fever, a dengue symptom.
There were also scenes of panic earlier this week at Delhi's prestigious All-India Institute of Medical Sciences when doctors had to turn away patients suspected of dengue because of a lack of blood.
The fever is not always fatal but in extreme cases patients might need a blood transfusion to replace platelets and stabilise internal organs. When a patient's platelet count drops, the blood's clotting property diminishes and this raises the possibility of continuous bleeding and eventual death.
The cost of hospitalisation and treatment, especially when blood transfusion is required, is high.
After one US visitor to the Taj Mahal had to be taken to hospital with signs of dengue, trade bodies warned today that tourism could be hit hard by the outbreak.
"If the current threat arising out of dengue is not taken on with sufficient policy measures on a war footing, the tourist arrivals in India during peak season of October 2006 to February 2007 will also witness a substantial fall," said The Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India.
Dengue fever is an infectious disease, transmitted by mosquitoes and found in hot and humid climates. The disease has cast a long shadow over Asia. In the Philippines there have been more than 160 fatalities this year.
It is characterised by nosebleeds, headaches, high fever, joint and muscle pain and can lead to vomiting and nausea. The incubation period is usually two weeks.
In theory, the spread of dengue is predictable in India - the onset of winter kills the mosquitoes that transmit the disease. Dengue should also be containable - by destroying the breeding places of mosquitoes, such as stagnant water in homes and schools. However experts said there has been little forward planning to deal with the disease.
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2006
http://www.guardian.co.uk/india/story/0,,1888196,00.html
Harper's Magazine: Cold Comfort:
the Japan Lobby Blocks Resolution on WWII Sex Slaves
Posted on Thursday, October 5, 2006. By Ken Silverstein
Even as top congressional Republicans were protecting Mark Foley from exposure for soliciting teen pages, they were simultaneously helping Japan cover up its past record of institutionalized rape and sexual enslavement of Asian women. The Japanese cause was greatly aided by Bob Michel, a highly paid lobbyist and former G.O.P. congressman with close ties to the party's leadership.
For the past seven years, a coalition of Korean-American human rights and religious groups have been pressuring congress to urge Japan to accept responsibility for forcing women and girls into sexual slavery during the World War II era. This shouldn't be terribly controversial, since the historical facts are clear.
Beginning in the 1930s, Japan rounded up as many as 200,000 women and girls, mostly from Korea, China, and the Philippines, and forced them to serve as prostitutes for its soldiers in order to increase troop “morale.” The Japanese called these sex slaves “comfort women”; many were raped and beaten, and some were killed after they acquired sexually transmitted diseases or became “overworked.” Some of the women were so humiliated that they never returned to their homes after the war, and many of those who did kept quiet about their experiences.
Japan long insisted that the comfort women were willing prostitutes and only acknowledged the sex slavery system in 1993 after documents discovered in the Japanese Army archives proved its true nature. The Japanese government backed the establishment of the quasi-governmental Asian Comfort Woman Fund in the mid-1990s but it has refused to offer direct compensation. Many of the women and their families have refused to accept money from the fund because they say Japan has never taken responsibility for its actions.
Japan has always been able to block attempts to pass a congressional resolution on the exploitation of comfort women, partly because it runs a lavishly-funded Beltway lobbying operation. The Bush Administration has quietly assisted in attempts to block a resolution on comfort women. According to Mindy Kotler, the director of Asia Policy Point, a research center on Japan and northeast Asia, the Administration views Japan as the key regional bulwark against an emerging Chinese regime that may be hostile to the United States in the future. “The administration wants Japan to be a central part of America's Asian security architecture—above Australia, India, and the British Navy,” she said. “Any issue that the Japanese have defined as disturbing has been shunted aside to ensure that nothing upsets the alliance with Japan—and I mean nothing, whether it's a trade dispute or taking responsibility for the comfort women.”
Not long ago, though, it looked like a measure had a decent chance of getting through. The coalition pressing Congress on the issue had traditionally sought to win a concurrent resolution, which must be approved by both chambers. This year the coalition worked for a resolution in only the House, and one was finally brought forth in April by Democrat Lane Evans of Illinois and Republican Chris Smith of New Jersey. The non-binding measure called on Japan to formally “acknowledge and accept full responsibility” for the sexual enslavement of “comfort women” and to stop denying its crimes—for example, by stripping mention of the topic from school textbooks.
The resolution was referred to the International Relations Committee and quickly gained co-sponsors, which alarmed the Japanese government. Enter Bob Michel, a top Washington lobbyist with Hogan & Hartson and a thirty-eight-year House member from Illinois, who served fourteen years as the G.O.P.'s minority leader. The Japanese government pays his firm about $60,000 per month to lobby on the sole matter of historical issues related to World War II, which also include claims concerning Japan's vile abuses of American P.O.W.s, including the use of slave labor. (Michel, incidentally, is only the most prominent of a small gang of lobbyists which Japan retains to handle World War II issues.)
Michel, I'm told, met in late May with Illinois Congressman Henry Hyde, chairman of the International Relations Committee. He told Hyde that passing the resolution would be crippling blow to America's alliance with Japan and reminded the congressman that Japan's sexual enslavement of several hundred thousand women had taken place some sixty years earlier—bygones should be bygones. Japan's then–Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi had already announced that he'd be visiting the United States at the end of June (when he would visit Graceland with President Bush and sing “Love Me Tender” in the Jungle Room) and Michel argued further that it would be embarrassing to Japan if the measure was approved around that time. “The whole deal came to a stop,” says a source who was working to pass the measure. “I've never seen anything like it. We had a lot of momentum and suddenly it was just dead.”
But the groups working on the issue kept at it and got a big break in September when Hyde shifted gears and backed their cause. He was apparently moved by an emotional trip he made to Korea and two other Asian countries over the August recess. More importantly, Hyde was said to be angered by Koizumi's decision on August 15—the date of Japan's defeat in World War II—to visit the Yasukuni Shrine. More than 1,000 war criminals have their names inscribed in the shrine's Book of Souls, including Hideki Tojo, the wartime prime minister who ordered the attack on Pearl Harbor and who was hanged in 1948. Koizumi's visit provoked outrage across Asia and didn't sit well with Hyde, the last remaining combat veteran of the Pacific campaign to sit in the House.
With Hyde on board, the source says, “We went from zero to 100 immediately.” Several members of the International Relations Committee did push to soften the resolution (removing, among other things, language that explicitly defined the treatment of comfort women as a “crime against humanity”). The advocates reluctantly accepted those changes, and on September 13, the Committee passed the resolution by unanimous consent.
Supporters believed the measure was now unstoppable. They expected it would soon be put on the “suspension calendar,” which would allow the resolution to pass the full House with a simple voice vote. The only obstacle to passage at that point was potential opposition from House Speaker Dennis Hastert—also of Illinois, and a former colleague of Michel's—or House Majority Leader John Boehner, who controls the voting calendar.
On September 22, twenty-five congressional co-sponsors of the measure, including Mike Honda of California, the leading Japanese American in Congress, sent a letter to Hastert and Boehner asking them to bring the resolution to the floor before Congress adjourned for the November elections. But mysteriously, no word was heard from the G.O.P. leadership about when the resolution would be brought to a vote.
Exactly what happened next is not clear, but word on the Hill is that the Bush Administration, Michel, and other Japanese lobbyists went to work on Boehner—and on Hastert, who reportedly is hoping to be named ambassador to Japan after he retires and who made clear that he was unhappy with the resolution. By last Wednesday, Boehner's office had made clear that the comfort women resolution would not be brought to a vote before the end of the week—a key deadline since Congress would be adjourning until after the midterm elections. (Michel declined to return calls, as did the offices of Congressmen Boehner and Hastert, both of whom may be preoccupied with other pressing matters at present.)
The measure could conceivably be revived during the upcoming lame-duck session, but for now it looks like Japan has again bought itself victory on the Hill. “The reality is that there is little we can do for the comfort women,” says Kotler. “They've lived with this hell for sixty years and most of them are going to find peace soon. The real importance of the bill is that it would serve as a precedent for going after the miscreants and perpetrators running today's rape camps and help protect future generations of women from similar violence.”
* * *
This is Cold Comfort: the Japan Lobby Blocks Resolution on WWII Sex Slaves by Ken Silverstein, published Thursday, October 5, 2006. It is part of Washington Babylon, which is part of Harpers.org.
Written By
Silverstein, Ken
Permanent URL
http://harpers.org/sb-cold-comfort-women-1160006345.html
il manifesto:
«Per mio padre, caduto a Cefalonia»
L'unica parte civile racconta il massacro e i processi
I soldati e gli ufficiali italiani della divisione Acqui che non avevano consegnato le armi ai tedeschi e si erano difesi, dovevano essere considerati come traditori. Perciò Mühlhauser, accusato di omicidio aggravato per motivi vili, era responsabile di omicidio semplice, perciò prescritto. Così parlò Stern, il procuratore di Monaco
Guglielmo Ragozzino
Marcella De Negri è la figlia di un ufficiale italiano fucilato a Cefalonia nel 1943. E' parte civile - l'unica parte civile italiana nel processo aperto a Monaco di Baviera contro Otmar Mühlhauser che allora comandava il plotone di esecuzione. L'unica che potrà ricorrere nei successivi gradi di giudizio contro il provvedimento di archiviazione richiesto dal procuratore generale Stern. Sarebbe opportuno che per sostenere la continuazione del processo, le autorità italiane che hanno trascurato finora la questione, dicessero qualcosa. Potrebbe esprimersi il ministro degli Esteri Massimo D'Alema, oppure il suo collega titolare della Difesa, Arturo Parisi, nello spirito del rispetto per i caduti mostrato da Ferruccio Parri o Carlo Azeglio Ciampi. Marcella De Negri ci ha raccontato così la sua storia. «Otmar Mülhauser era un giovane sottotenente quando comandò il plotone di esecuzione alla località detta 'Casette rosse', nell'isola di Cefalonia il 24 settembre del 1943. Aveva 23 anni; oggi ne ha 86 e per tutto il tempo trascorso ha fatto il pellicciaio. Non mi voglio vendicare su di lui. Voglio la verità e il procuratore di Monaco con la sua archiviazione non le rende giustizia. Escludendo le circostanze aggravanti e quindi applicando la prescrizione, pone una pietra definitiva sopra l'eccidio. Mio padre, maggiore Francesco De Negri invece era molto più anziano; anzi, aveva la stessa età del generale Gandin che comandava la divisione Acqui. Infatti era nato nel 1891, la sua parte di guerra l'aveva già fatta nel 1915-18, Caporetto compresa. Nel 1940 era stato richiamato come ufficiale di complemento. E' morto a 52 anni, molto più giovane di quanto io sia adesso. Sì ci sono molte lettere... Scriveva molto, mio padre. Ha mandato le ultime alla mamma in agosto, quando Mussolini era già caduto. Le abbiamo ritrovate, mio fratello Enzo e io, da pochi anni. E' stato dopo la morte della mamma, a 98 anni, nel 2001, poco dopo essere andata a Cefalonia con Ciampi. «Una lettera smarrita e ritrovata conteneva la chiave del baule spedito da papà che doveva tornare in licenza e non riusciva a partire. Mio padre a Cefalonia era comandante in seconda di una batteria di obici, che al contrario di altre aveva qualche colpo da sparare. In quei giorni sostituiva il comandante che era stato ferito. La Acqui aveva in genere un armamento antiquato, da prima guerra mondiale, più quello composito che era stato preso, soprattutto dai tedeschi, agli eserciti sconfitti, come bottino di guerra. Certo che con gli Stukas la batteria antinavale di mio padre, Sp 33, - 7 ufficiali, 120 soldati - aveva poco da fare... Senza rifugi e con scarse batterie antiaeree era impossibile resistere alla loro furia. Argostoli, sotto i bombardamenti di quei giorni, è stata distrutta. A me viene in mente la sproporzione che c'era in Iraq quando gli americani bombardavano Baghdad. «Tutti, soldati e ufficiali avevano un desiderio folle di tornare a casa. Ma l'ordine dei tedeschi di consegnare le armi nella piazza centrale di Argostoli era così oltraggioso che la scelta comune fu di resistere. Oltraggio è proprio la parola che Parisi ha usato tre o quattro volte scrivendo al Corriere della sera , in merito all'archiviazione del procuratore tedesco. Ma una dichiarazione ufficiale sarebbe più opportuna... «Come sono entrata nel processo , mi chiede? Quando ho saputo del procedimento contro Mühlhauser ho preso contatto, attraverso il mio avvocato milanese, Gilberto Pagani, con un legale tedesco molto impegnato in attività di difesa della democrazia. Michael Hofmann, questo il nome, ha fatto parte, come del resto Pagani, del gruppo di avvocati francesi, tedeschi e spagnoli che dopo il Social forum di Genova hanno difeso i diritti dei manifestanti maltrattati, si fa per dire, dalle forze dell'ordine; di nuovo per modo di dire. Hofmann ha difeso volentieri la mia causa, tanto più che considera il procuratore Stern alla stregua di un fascista. Nel corso del procedimento, l'altro imputato, Johann Dehm, è deceduto, il 10 marzo del 2005. Dehm, sottoufficiale a Cefalonia, ha comandato direttamente il plotone di esecuzione, su ordine di Mülhauser. Come ho detto, vi sono altri due gradi di giudizio e l'archiviazione può essere rigettata. In Germania vi è un movimento molto consistente che ha come primo impegno la ricerca della verità, che è storica e politica nello stesso tempo. E' molto importante far risaltare davanti all'opinione pubblica tedesca e internazionale il fatto che a Cefalonia non furono le Ss, ma l'esercito tedesco, la Wehrmacht a compiere l'eccidio. E' questa la verità che fa fatica a emergere. Molte delle atrocities in Italy , secondo l'indicazione dei servizi inglesi che probabilmente hanno messo insieme l'archivio, molti dei 695 fascicoli superstiti, contenuti nell'"Armadio della vergogna" riguardano la Wehrmacht, sono opera dell'esercito tedesco. Alla ripresa del procedimento è previsto un sit-in da parte di storici tedeschi, evidentemente avversari di ogni forma di riduzionismo. Il sit-in è previsto per venerdì 6 ottobre, davanti alla procura di Monaco (Staatssanwaltschaft München, Linprunst. 25), su iniziativa del dott. Klein della facoltà di storia di Dortmund. Gli organizzatori sperano moltissimo che l'Anpi partecipi. «No, non è recente la causa contro il vecchio pellicciaio Mühlhauser. Era stato inquisito nel 1986 e anche prima. In effetti Cefalonia è una delle vicende terribili della storia tedesca recente nei confronti della quale i tedeschi stessi volevano fare piena luce. Così, qualche anno dopo il processo di Norimberga, hanno rivolto la loro attenzione alle atrocità compiute dai loro eserciti di occupazione in Europa, Italia compresa. Per ottenere informazioni, in particolare sui fatti di Cefalonia, nel corso degli anni Cinquanta hanno fatto richiesta di rogatoria al governo italiano. Sorprendentemente il governo ha risposto picche. Non ha preso tempo o inventato una bugia qualsiasi; ha opposto semplicemente un no. I ministri di allora erano Gaetano Martino, il padre del trattato di Roma, agli Esteri e Paolo Emilio Taviani, capo della Resistenza ligure, alla Difesa. Dal tempo di Cefalonia, dell'Italia occupata, della guerra di liberazione, erano trascorsi poco più di dieci anni. Taviani dedica qualche frase al caso di Cefalonia e al nuovo rapporto con la Germania federale e alleata nel suo libro di memorie: "Politica a memoria d'uomo". Sta nascendo l'Europa e la Germania ne è il caposaldo, oltre che un alleato decisivo della Nato, in piena guerra fredda. Tutto il resto è un passato che può essere rinchiuso in un armadio capovolto in uno stanzino fuori mano; altrimenti come sostenere il riarmo della Germania? «L'archiviazione politica dell'Italia sull'eccidio di Cefalonia, la non ricerca dei colpevoli, e quindi della verità, non è stata contrastata da nessuno, almeno con la forza necessaria. Lo stato maggiore italiano è da sempre tutt'altro che entusiasta di quella discussione pubblica cui sono stati chiamati ufficiali, sottoufficiali e soldati della Acqui dal generale Gandin, per decidere insieme che fare. Consegnare le armi ai tedeschi o combattere. Meno se ne parla, meglio è per le gerarchie e i comandi. «Mi chiede che effetto mi ha fatto "Il mandolino del capitano Corelli". Brutta domanda. Penso che si possa immaginare facilmente. Un film sgradevole tratto da un romanzo ignobile. Il film è di un regista abile, John Madden, quello di "Shakespeare in love"; però segue pedissequamente il libro di Louis De Bernières, di una decina di anni fa che è stato ripubblicato per accompagnare il film. Questa è una storia che ripete tutti i cliché dai quali l'italiano da romanzo non si libererà mai: fifone, traditore, piagnone, ma in fondo tutto buon cuore e mandolino. A Cefalonia sono stati fucilati migliaia di soldati, dopo che più di mille altri erano morti combattendo. Molto meglio la Cefalonia con protagonista Luca Zingaretti, trasmessa dalla Tv l'11 e il 12 aprile 2005. Una storia ingenua e ricca di buoni sentimenti, ma anche piena di errori storici e geografici. D'altro canto un archivio ufficiale colloca Cefalonia nell'Egeo invece che nello Jonio; e come sempre accade, la geografia cattiva scaccia quella buona...».
http://www.ilmanifesto.it/Quotidiano-archivio/04-Ottobre-2006/art66.html
Internazionale:
Il mito del giornalismo
I giornali italiani ignorano il loro ruolo nel sistema democratico, scrive Lisbeth Davidsen. Non spiegano i fatti ai cittadini e offrono solo propaganda infarcita di belle parole.
Internazionale, 4 ottobre 2006
"È inutile prendersela con i giornali. Ogni paese ha il giornalismo che si merita". Parole dette tredici anni fa da Piero Ottone, vecchio saggio del giornalismo italiano. Appena arrivata in Italia ero andata da lui a chiedergli: perché i giornali italiani sono così incomprensibili? La domanda e la risposta si potrebbero ripetere tali e quali oggi.
Sfogliando i giornali trovo ancora tante opinioni, ma pochi fatti. Trovo poca chiarezza e un mucchio di belle parole, come se il giornalismo fosse una sottospecie della letteratura (e come se il lettore avesse a disposizione un'intera giornata per leggere il giornale). All'edicola i quotidiani non vengono esposti. Solo da questo si capisce che non cercano di conquistare nuovi clienti ogni giorno, ma preferiscono rivolgersi ai loro fedeli lettori, strizzandogli l'occhio: io e te ci capiamo, vero?
Dell'informazione televisiva è meglio non parlare. Ho smesso da tempo di guardare i tg per non beccarmi un infarto dalla disperazione: titoli urlati, cronaca nera in apertura, servizi composti da una sfilza interminabile di politici che dicono la loro. L'unico miglioramento registrato dal giornalismo italiano negli ultimi dieci anni è una maggiore semplicità linguistica.
Mi chiedo: possibile che l'era berlusconiana non abbia creato la consapevolezza che senza un giornalismo vero e competente non c'è vera democrazia? In teoria, il ruolo del giornalista è quello di aiutare il cittadino a essere ben preparato alla partecipazione alla vita democratica: un cittadino correttamente informato è più responsabile quando va a votare.
Per servirlo al meglio, il giornalista non deve avere ambizioni politiche. Deve mettere da parte le sue convinzioni ed essere professionale. Il giornalismo italiano, invece, scivola troppo spesso nella propaganda.
Ricordo un raduno preelettorale della destra poco prima delle elezioni politiche di quest'anno. Ero lì come corrispondente per la Danimarca e il giorno dopo ho letto il reportage di una nota collega italiana. Il suo articolo era un fiume di disprezzo per la destra. Ma la cosa che mi ha colpito di più è stata l'assenza del punto di vista dei partecipanti alla manifestazione.
Questa collega era andata da Roma fino a Napoli e non aveva rivolto neanche una domanda alla gente in piazza! Se io avessi consegnato un articolo simile a qualunque giornale danese, sarei stata mandata a fare un corso di aggiornamento per migliorare fairplay ed equilibrio.
Alcune menti brillanti del giornalismo italiano mi dicono che la battaglia è troppo grande per essere vinta. I vizi fanno parte di una categoria che non ha mai sposato l'idea del giornalismo come servizio ai cittadini.
Secondo il saggista Michele Loporcaro, che ha appena scritto l'illuminante libro Cattive notizie, in Italia la notizia rientra più nella categoria del racconto mitico che in quella dell'informazione. La differenza è che la notizia come informazione pone l'enfasi sull'avvenimento, mentre la notizia come racconto mitico si concentra sul racconto.
"L'idea della notizia come mito è politicamente di stampo reazionario e ha il proprio fondamento in un pensiero irrazionalistico", scrive Loporcaro. Il mito, cioè il concetto delle stesse vecchie storie che si ripetono, anestetizza la coscienza dei cittadini italiani che – secondo Loporcaro – sono passati dall'analfabetismo alla teledipendenza.
Io mi spingerei oltre. Se l'Italia è dovuta passare per la lunga esperienza antidemocratica del berlusconismo, la responsabilità è in gran parte dei mezzi d'informazione e dei giornalisti che hanno trascurato il loro vero compito. Possibile che sia davvero questo il giornalismo che l'Italia si merita?
Lisbeth Davidsen è corrispondente del quotidiano danese Politiken e della rete Tv2. Vive a Roma dal 1992.
Per scrivere ai giornalisti stranieri: corrispondente@internazionale.it
http://www.internazionale.it/home/primopiano.php?id=13701
Internazionale:
Misfatti redazionali
Penso che l'etica dei giornalisti dipenda soprattutto dal giornale per cui lavorano
David Randall
Internazionale 661, 28 settembre 2006
Molti anni fa qualcuno mi raccontò che un giornalista aveva fatto una cosa così orribile da sembrarmi quasi impossibile. La storia riguardava il capocronista di un quotidiano di una grande città degli Stati Uniti e descriveva le crudeltà che era disposto a compiere per scovare una notizia. I fatti erano più o meno questi.
Avevano trovato il corpo di una giovane donna, assassinata e poi mutilata. La famiglia viveva a migliaia di chilometri di distanza, si sapeva molto poco di lei, e il capocronista era sicuro che se un suo reporter avesse telefonato ai genitori per dargli la notizia della morte, quelli non avrebbero raccontato nulla. Perciò chiese al cronista di chiamarli, dire che la ragazza aveva vinto un concorso di bellezza e cercare di ottenere il maggior numero possibile di informazioni.
Rimase accanto alla sua scrivania mentre il giornalista intervistava i genitori, che ancora non sapevano della morte della ragazza (stiamo parlando di varie decine di anni fa, quando la polizia non si preoccupava di contattare le famiglie prima della stampa).
Quando ritenne di aver raccolto abbastanza informazioni, il capocronista sibilò: "Okay, adesso diglielo", quindi fece per andarsene, mentre il reporter comunicava ai genitori che la figlia, in realtà, non era una reginetta di bellezza, ma un cadavere.
Ho sempre pensato che fosse una leggenda metropolitana, inventata da qualche collega mentre fantasticava sulle cose che quello schiavista incallito del caposervizio un giorno avrebbe potuto chiedergli di fare. E perciò me n'ero quasi dimenticato, fino a qualche settimana fa.
Nell'ambito della mia impresa solitaria – collezionare tutti i ricordi di vecchi reporter inzuppati di whisky che riesco a trovare – avevo scovato una copia di un libro ormai fuori catalogo intitolato Reporters: memoirs of a young newspaperman di Will Fowler, un giornalista americano degli anni quaranta e cinquanta.
Nel suo libro, Fowler racconta che lo spiacevole episodio era accaduto davvero. Il capocronista era Jim Richardson del Los Angeles Examiner, l'anno il 1947, il cronista Wayne Sutton, la ragazza morta Elizabeth Short, e la povera madre Phoebe May Short di Medford, nel Massachusetts.
A distanza di tanto tempo la storia può sembrare divertente, per quanto orribile, ma dubito che la signora Short ne abbia mai colto la comicità. Per la cronaca neanche Will Fowler era esattamente un santo. Una volta aveva lavorato al caso di Walter Overell, un ricco costruttore che era stato ucciso dalla figlia e dal fidanzato con una bomba fatta in casa. Non esistevano fotografie di Overell, e tutto quello che restava di lui erano la testa e il tronco. Che fare?
Fowler e il fotografo George O' Day andarono all'agenzia di pompe funebri, fecero appoggiare a una parete la parte superiore del corpo di Overell, la fotografarono, e poi chiesero a un illustratore dell'Examiner di disegnare giacca, camicia e cravatta a strisce sul tronco della vittima.
Tuttavia, l'esempio più strano di violazione dell'etica professionale che conosco riguarda un giovane cronista australiano. Il quotidiano per cui lavorava un bel giorno si trovò a corto di notizie. Quando il caposervizio gli disse di usare un po' di fantasia, il giovane cronista lo prese alla lettera: inventò un'ondata di crimini a sfondo sessuale commessi da un pervertito che chiamò "l'Uncino" e che vagava per i treni armato di un pezzo di fil di ferro con cui sollevava le gonne delle vittime.
La storia era corredata da dichiarazioni della polizia e delle vittime (ovviamente anonime) e da titoli a effetto. A un certo punto arrivò una telefonata della polizia e il giornalista pensò di essere stato smascherato. Invece no: gli agenti volevano comunicargli che avevano catturato l'Uncino.
Quindi, o il giornalista aveva inventato qualcosa che era accaduto sul serio, coincidenza molto improbabile. Oppure qualche squilibrato aveva letto la storia e aveva deciso di imitare il metodo descritto dal giornale. O, cosa ancora più probabile, la polizia aveva letto la notizia e arrestato un viaggiatore assolutamente innocente per dimostrare la propria efficienza.
Naturalmente ci aspetteremmo che il giornalista in questione, essendo assolutamente privo di ogni senso morale, abbia proseguito la sua ignominiosa ma ben retribuita carriera nel mondo delle testate scandalistiche. In realtà si trattava di Philip Knightley, e lavorava per un giornale che si chiamava – paradossalmente – The Truth, la verità.
Knightley rimase così scosso da quell'episodio che decise di non inventare mai più una sola riga. Si trasferì in Gran Bretagna e divenne uno dei migliori giornalisti d'inchiesta della fine del ventesimo secolo, contribuendo, tra le altre cose, a far esplodere lo scandalo del talidomide, un farmaco che provocava malformazioni.
Tutto questo dimostra, a mio parere, che l'etica dei giornalisti dipende soprattutto dal giornale per cui lavorano. Ci vuole una grande forza di volontà per seguire una cosa che ti complica la vita come il senso morale.
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Jeune Afrique: Le Comité des Sages
appelle au respect des résultats des élections
RD CONGO - 4 octobre 2006 – AFP
Le Comité international des sages pour un aboutissement pacifique du processus électoral en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) a appelé mercredi à Kinshasa à l'acceptation des résultats des élections présidentielle et provinciales du 29 octobre.
"Nous lançons un appel pour que tous acceptent les résultats des élections", a déclaré à la presse l'ancien président mozambicain, Joaquim Chissano, qui conduit le Comité
"Ce qui est nécessaire, c'est de maintenir le calme", a-t-il ajouté, souhaitant que les éventuelles "contestations" des scrutins se fassent par la voie légale.
Le Comité achève une visite d'une semaine en RDC, la première depuis les affrontements, du 20 au 22 août à Kinshasa, entre les troupes du président Joseph Kabila et du vice-président Jean-Pierre Bemba, les deux candidats en lice pour le second tour de la présidentielle.
"Ceux qui se battent pour le pouvoir veulent le pouvoir pour gouverner et savent que la communauté internationale et la population congolaise les regardent", a affirmé M. Chissano.
"Les Congolais ne veulent pas voter pour rien", a-t-il poursuivi, appelant la population à être "elle-même le garant de la paix" en refusant tout recours à la violence et en participant massivement au vote.
Le Comité des Sages a également appelé "les militaires à éviter les incidents qui pourraient créer la confusion, la tension ou la peur parmi la population".
"Nous pouvons espérer des élections apaisées (...). Personne ne parle de la guerre", a assuré M. Chissano, se disant "optimiste" après des rencontres avec les deux présidentiables, ainsi qu'avec des candidats malheureux au premier tour et les responsables de plusieurs institutions d'appui à la démocratie dont l'organe de régulation de la presse.
Evoquant une série de "problèmes qui n'ont pas été résolus", comme la lenteur de la réforme de l'armée, pendant la transition politique entamée en 2003 en RDC après des années de guerre, M. Chissano a estimé qu'avec "de la bonne volonté", le processus démocratique pouvait aboutir.
Il s'est dit rassuré par la formation de larges coalitions politiques regroupant autour des candidats Kabila et Bemba des personnalités "non-belligérantes".
S'appuyant sur l'exemple de son pays, sorti en 1992 de 16 ans de guerre civile, Joaquim Chissano a affirmé la paix régnait au Mozambique "malgré la présence d'armes encore en circulation", du fait d'un "esprit de tolérance, de patience et de réconciliation".
"La démocratisation avance pas à pas", a-t-il conclu, affirmant que le Comité des Sages reviendrait "régulièrement" en RDC pour l'accompagner sur la voie de "la stabilité et de l'unité nationale".
Ce comité, qui compte plusieurs anciens dirigeants de pays africains et des diplomates internationaux, a été créé en juillet avec l'appui de l'Union africaine et l'Onu.
© Jeuneafrique.com 2006
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“Lo ético superó largamente a lo jurídico”
A 60 AÑOS DE NUREMBERG, HABLA EL HISTORIADOR ABRAHAM ZYLBERMAN
Más de medio siglo después de la creación del tribunal internacional, el historiador señala que “mucho no se aprendió” de ellos y que hoy día se siguen cometiendo crímenes de lesa humanidad. Pero rescata el valor de la sentencia, a pesar de los manejos políticos.
Por María Laura Carpineta
Jueves, 05 de Octubre de 2006
Marcó historia y nunca más volvió a repetirse. Esta semana se cumplen 60 años de que el primer tribunal internacional, compuesto por los cuatro ganadores de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, condenaba una de las mayores matanzas que haya conocido la humanidad. Bajo el régimen alemán nazi, y sus gobiernos aliados, murieron seis millones de judíos, seis millones de eslavos, cuatro millones de prisioneros de guerra soviéticos, tres millones y medios de polacos no judíos y casi tres millones de disidentes políticos, gitanos, discapacitados y homosexuales. El Juicio de Nuremberg reveló los secretos de este genocidio y condenó a sus principales responsables políticos. La mayoría fue sentenciada a la horca y el resto a penas de 25 a 10 años. El historiador de la Fundación Memoria del Holocausto, Abraham Zylberman, analizó los éxitos y los fracasos del proceso y los intereses que estuvieron por detrás.
–¿Cuál fue la importancia de Nuremberg?
–La importancia de los juicios tenemos que buscarla en el momento en que se hicieron porque, con el tiempo, fueron superados y mucho no se aprendió de ellos. Nos acordamos ahora porque es el aniversario.
–¿Superados cómo?
–Los jerarcas nazis fueron juzgados por crímenes de guerra, crímenes contra la humanidad y acciones de crueldad. En los últimos 60 años, muchos estados superaron por lejos esas acusaciones y debieran estar, quizás, en otro banquillo de acusados. En ese sentido, me parece que mucho no se aprendió. Pero en su momento fue una importante reivindicación, más que de la Justicia, de la ética. Desde el punto de vista jurídico, nadie puede ser condenado por delitos cometidos previa existencia de una ley. Los condenados en Nuremberg fueron juzgados por quienes habían ganado la guerra y fueron acusados de delitos que empezaron a ser considerados delitos a partir de esa experiencia. Por eso, lo jurídico no es muy importante en este caso. Aquí lo ético trasciende a lo jurídico. De alguna manera, fue una lección de ética que sentó un precedente. Que no se haya tomado en cuenta es otra cuestión. Incluso no todos los criminales fueron juzgados, sino sólo las cabezas. Pareciera que ya en ese momento se le daba plena validez al concepto de obediencia debida.
–¿Por qué se hizo esa distinción de juzgar sólo a los jerarcas y de derivar al resto a los países adonde habían cometido los crímenes?
–En primer lugar, porque se estaba entrando en la Guerra Fría. Había muchos intereses en juego y, además, se tendría que haber juzgado a media Alemania. Políticamente esto no se podía hacer. Había que dar un ejemplo, juzgando a los peces gordos y comenzando ya la reconstrucción de Alemania.
–Usted habla de numerosos intereses en juego, ¿cuáles fueron?
–Uno puede preguntarse qué rol cumplió cada uno de los países que formaron parte del tribunal. La Unión Soviética fue la que pretendía lograr veredictos más extremos, como fue la horca. Una hipótesis es que fue una forma de hacer justicia por haber firmado un pacto con Alemania y haber sido traicionada en la invasión de 1941. Además, muchos soviéticos sufrieron en esta invasión.
–¿Y por qué Francia no actuó de la misma forma?
–A Francia hay que tomarla con pinzas. En los años setenta, cuando fue traído a París el responsable del asesinato del héroe de la resistencia de Lyon, Jean Moulin, muchísima gente se negó a que fuese juzgado porque tenían miedo de que en el juicio saliera a relucir toda la historia podrida del colaboracionismo francés. Además, después de la ocupación, Francia no tenía la capacidad de decidir. Pero el caso estadounidense fue diferente. Dentro de ese país había un movimiento bastante importante que simpatizaba con el nazismo, e inclusive se oponía a que Estados Unidos entrara en guerra con Alemania. Cuando Roosevelt fue candidato a la Presidencia, el otro candidato del Partido Republicano era el aviador Charles Lindbergh, un abierto simpatizante del nazismo. Incluso, hay fotografías de Lindbergh con Hitler. Esto sirvió para que luego de la guerra técnicos y científicos encontraran allí un refugio de primera, colaborando en el desarrollo de la tecnología atómica y espacial.
–Hay quienes dicen que las presiones llegaron a definir algunas de las sentencias, ¿fue así?
–Por ejemplo, Hjalmar Schacht, el que fuera ministro de Economía y presidente del Banco Central de Alemania, tuvo una condena muy leve porque él luego colaboró en la reconstrucción de la economía de Estados Unidos. Schacht murió recién en los setenta. Pero antes, durante los años del deshielo, él colaboraba como asesor económico de países occidentales. Fue funcionario del gobierno de Hitler, pero de ahí a decir que fue nazi es algo incierto. En cambio, los que fueron condenados a la horca eran realmente criminales. Por ejemplo, Julius Streicher, el director del diario de propaganda Der Stuermer (El Asalto). Como difusor de una ideología, era responsable. Estaba tan convencido que antes de morir gritó: “Heill Hitler”.
–¿Y un ministro de Economía no es responsable?
–Es que no era él quien hacía el diseño de la economía. El rearme fue diseñado por Goering. Las condenas fueron... no se puede encontrar una lógica a por qué a algunos se los condenó a 25 años, a otros a diez y a la mayoría a la horca.
–¿Fueron decisiones políticas?
–Yo creo que sí. Fue un juicio político. Por 1942, cuando se toma conocimiento cabal de los crímenes que se estaban cometiendo, la respuesta fue que cuando termine la guerra ellos juzgarían a todos los culpables.
–¿Las potencias occidentales sabían desde 1942 lo que sucedía en Alemania y en el resto de los países que estaban bajo su influencia?
–Absolutamente. Por ejemplo, hubo testimonios de miembros de la resistencia polaca no judíos que habían visitado el Ghetto de Varsovia antes de viajar a Estados Unidos para poder relatar los horrores que allí se vivían. Además, estos hombres llevaban la información al gobierno polaco en el exilio y al gobierno inglés. Lo sabían también porque en 1944 la Fuerza Aérea estadounidense fotografió el campo de Auschwitz. En ese momento, se le pidió a Inglaterra y luego a Estados Unidos que bombardeen las vías férreas para dificultar el transporte. No impedir el exterminio porque eso hubiese sido mucho más complicado, pero sí dificultar el transporte de los detenidos a los campos de concentración. La respuesta fue que los aviones no tenían la capacidad para ir y volver y que tenían que volar de día, con el consiguiente riesgo de ser abatidos. Pero más que nada, la prioridad era terminar la guerra, porque cuando se terminase se podría juzgar a los responsables. Uno de los mayores temores de Inglaterra era que si se salvaba a los judíos –durante la guerra hubo negociaciones para intercambiar camiones por judíos de Hungría, pero Londres se opuso– éstos terminarían yendo a Palestina. Allí, los ingleses querían asegurarse un buen vínculo con los árabes, que en ese momento eran la población mayoritaria. Inclusive, ya habiendo entrado los ejércitos aliados –no hablo de la Unión Soviética– a los campos de concentración en Alemania y viendo ese espectáculo, Inglaterra se siguió oponiendo a la entrada de judíos a Palestina. Hubo una política antijudía durante estos años. Terminada la guerra se abren los campos de desplazados para los sobrevivientes. Había campos que funcionaron en Alemania hasta 1957. ¡Más de diez años después de terminada la guerra!
–Esta política antijudía de la que usted habla, ¿cuándo nace?
–Mucho antes del estallido de la guerra. En ese momento había posibilidades de emigrar de Alemania y el mundo no quiso abrir las puertas a los inmigrantes judíos. Por ejemplo Australia, que en ese momento decía: nosotros no queremos que haya antisemitismo y, si traemos a los judíos, vamos a crear el antisemitismo en el país. O como decían en la Argentina y en otros países: nosotros necesitamos inmigrantes que sean agricultores y los judíos no lo son. Por eso, no los podemos dejar entrar.
–¿Por qué las evidencias del genocidio que se conocieron en Nuremberg no causaron una conmoción instantánea en el mundo?
–Yo te pregunto: ¿llamó la atención mundial el genocidio armenio? No. Entonces, ¿por qué tendría que hacerlo el genocidio judío?
–Pero más tarde se convirtió en un tema de gran importancia para todo el mundo...
–El Holocausto empieza a llamar la atención cuando se hace el juicio a Eichmann en 1960. No antes. Ese juicio reveló al mundo todo lo que sucedió con detalles.
–¿Y los juicios de Nuremberg no ayudaron a poner el tema sobre la mesa?
–Yo creo que no. El gran Juicio de Nuremberg termina el 1º de octubre de 1946 y la idea era que enseguida se empiece una nueva vida; había que olvidar. Igual, Nuremberg es digno de ser estudiado como pieza jurídica. Sus testimonios, además, son muy valiosos para entender lo que pasó. Hay un testimonio de un ayudante de Eichmann que declaró que sólo escuchó una vez a Eichmann decir que había que matar a los judíos. Esto es importante ya que, según la documentación que existe, a los judíos nunca se los mató. Sólo quedaron las fotos que tomaron los nazis. En parte, porque creían que nunca perderían la guerra y serían juzgados. Y en parte porque, como decía Hitler, nadie quería a los judíos. Hitler decía: todos se quejan de que nosotros maltratamos a los judíos pero por qué no aceptan a los judíos en sus países. Esto lo dice en 1939, seis años después de llegar al poder. El aprendizaje para mí fue nulo.
–¿El aprendizaje fue nulo porque los ganadores de la guerra siguen siendo los mismos que están hoy en el poder?
–En realidad, los perdedores de ayer son también los ganadores de hoy. La reconstrucción alemana fue producto de un acuerdo tácito entre ganadores y perdedores porque era necesario reconstruir Alemania. Era necesario porque enfrente había un enemigo que había que contener. El juicio fue un juicio con todas las letras. Pero, en realidad, fue un manejo político por las necesidades del aquel momento. La muerte de los responsables nazis fue un hecho de justicia y un hecho ético. Dejar libre a los peces no tan gordos y no hacer nada por buscar a los peces gordos que se refugiaron en otros países fue, en cambio, un acto de injusticia. Todos sabían dónde estaba Eichmann, dónde estaba Mengele. Por ejemplo, Walter Rauff estaba en Chile y fue asesor de Pinochet durante su presidencia. Klaus Barbie vivía en Bolivia y dirigía una empresa de navegación a la vista de todos.
–¿Qué frase o testimonio le gusta recordar de Nuremberg?
–Cuando el fiscal estadounidense Robert Jackson dijo: si no hubiésemos hecho el juicio de Nuremberg es como si no hubiese habido guerra, no hubiese habido muertos. Una forma de cerrar la guerra fue hacer justicia.
© 2000-2006 www.pagina12.com.ar|República Argentina|Todos los Derechos Reservados
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El monje negro no se rinde
DESDE LA CARCEL, MONTESINOS SIGUE INFLUYENDO
Por Carlos Noriega
Desde Lima, Jueves, 05 de Octubre de 2006
Muerto el perro, sigue la rabia. Hace unos días culminó uno de los juicios más importantes contra Vladimiro Montesinos, quien fuera el monje negro del ex presidente Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), con una sentencia de 20 años de cárcel por tráfico de armas –10 mil fusiles AKM– a las FARC colombianas en 1999. Sin embargo, quienes mejor lo conocen aseguran que su capacidad de influencia no ha desaparecido. No pocos de los antiguos colaboradores de Montesinos siguen operando en los círculos políticos, judiciales y mediáticos.
“Hay operadores de Montesinos que todavía tienen una gran capacidad de movimiento y manipulación. Sin embargo, algunos de los grupos que estuvieron cercanamente vinculados con Montesinos están tratando de establecer su propia capacidad de maniobra y ya no existe el control vertical de Montesinos sobre ellos. Es verdad que el encarcelamiento ha minado su poder, pero creo que Montesinos todavía mantiene una capacidad de influencia superior a lo que uno pudiera pensar. Esta capacidad de influencia que tiene Montesinos, quien manejó los servicios de inteligencia, se basa especialmente en que sabe muchas cosas de mucha gente y la posibilidad de que esas cosas sean reveladas aterroriza a muchos”, le señaló a Página/12 el periodista Gustavo Gorriti, quien ha investigado a Montesinos desde inicios de los años ’80. Por su parte, el ex procurador anticorrupción Luis Vargas Valdivia considera que Montesinos aún tiene capacidad de control sobre algunos magistrados. “No hay que olvidar que Montesinos llegó a controlar todo el Poder Judicial y todavía quedan rezagos montesinistas en la Justicia. Claro que ya no es el poder total que tuvo antes”, asegura Vargas Valdivia.
Montesinos tiene casi un centenar de juicios pendientes y una docena de sentencias, pero ésta es la mayor condena que recibe hasta ahora. En prisión desde junio de 2001, Montesinos ha perdido mucho poder. Pero aun así, desde su celda fue un personaje clave en las últimas elecciones.
Faltando pocos días para los comicios, Montesinos cobró protagonismo al acusar al candidato nacionalista Ollanta Humala de haber colaborado con su contrincante y García usó la afirmación para desacreditar a Humala, mientras éste aseguró que Montesinos jugaba a favor de García atacándolo a él. Cuando estuvo en el poder, Montesinos estableció relaciones con algunos altos dirigentes del APRA, el partido del presidente García. Pero el humalismo tampoco está libre de vínculos con Montesinos. Durante la última campaña electoral se denunció la presencia de ex militares montesinistas en la agrupación del ex comandante Humala. Y la derechista Unidad Nacional (UN), la tercera fuerza política del país, tiene nexos con políticos y empresarios que estuvieron ligados a Montesinos cuando estaba en la cumbre de su poder.
Quien tiene una capacidad de influencia mayor que Montesinos es su ex socio Alberto Fujimori. Y Fujimori busca culpar de todo a Montesinos, para hacerlo pagar por los pecados de ambos. Por más inverosímil y absurdo que suene, la estrategia del fujimorismo es presentar a Montesinos como el culpable de todo y a Fujimori como una víctima de aquél.
“Esa estrategia del fujimorismo es una de las cosas que hoy más neutraliza a Montesinos”, asegura Gorriti.
En este contexto, la sentencia contra Montesinos por el caso de las FARC está lejos de ser una muestra de la fortaleza actual del proceso anticorrupción. Más bien fortalece a Fujimori, mientras el monje negro preserva su capacidad de chantaje.
© 2000-2006 www.pagina12.com.ar|República Argentina|Todos los Derechos Reservados
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Primeras bajas en el frente anti-Lula
EL PACTO DE ALCKMIN CON GAROTINHO PROVOCO LAS DESERCIONES
El político carioca y nuevo aliado del candidato derechista está sospechado de corrupción. Acusan a Alckmin de hipócrita.
Por Darío Pignotti
Desde San Pablo, Jueves, 05 de Octubre de 2006
Fisuras en el frente anti-Lula. La coalición que respalda al candidato Geraldo Alckmin sufrió dos bajas de importancia, tres días después de conseguir el pase al ballottage en las elecciones brasileñas, algo que parecía poco menos que imposible.
Ayer, mientras Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva recibía en Brasilia el apoyo de gobernadores del norte y nordeste, quedaba en evidencia que todavía es precario el apoyo nacional detrás del aspirante del Partido de la Socialdemocracia Brasileña (PSDB). Alckmin, quien hizo de la ética su estandarte en la primera rueda, fue acusado por un líder del Partido Frente Liberal (PFL) de no llevar sus promesas a los hechos. César Maia censuró el reciente pacto entre Alckmin y el ex gobernador de Río de Janeiro Antonhy Garotinho, al que calificó como “lo peor de Brasil”. Curtido en estas lides, es la quinta pelea presidencial que disputa; Lula ayer parecía solazado con la sangría opositora. Después del revés anímico que supuso no haber ganado el domingo, volvió al ruedo e instruyó a sus colaboradores para que tomen la iniciativa, politizando el debate, hasta ahora dominado por las acusaciones en su contra. “Vamos a la lucha para ganar las elecciones. Si hay una cosa que me gusta es estar en las calles”, arengó el mandatario.
Las fricciones entre conservadores y socialdemócratas fueron debidamente amplificadas por miembros del gobierno, como el ministro de Relaciones Institucionales, Tarso Genro. Apuestan a que la aparición de Garotinho, contra quien hay un inventario de denuncias de corrupción, pueda atenuar el efecto demoledor en la candidatura de Lula de la foto mostrando 1,7 millones de reales (800 mil dólares) incautados a dos miembros del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT), cuando negociaban con una cuadrilla de estafadores. Esa imagen le habría birlado a Lula los menos de 2 por ciento de votos que le faltaron para vencer en la primera vuelta y evitar el ballottage del 29 de octubre.
Indignado con el acuerdo entre Alckmin y el caudillo carioca, César Maia consideró que “la fotografía con Garotinho desmontó el discurso ético de Alckmin”. “Es una tristeza muy grande. Un hombre que tiene principios religiosos (..) se junta con la corrupción.”
Con todo Maia no decidió si seguirá los pasos de la candidata a gobernadora, Denise Frossard, del Partido Popular Socialista (PPS), que anunció su ruptura con la alianza opositora: “A (Alckmin) no le gusta Río de Janeiro, (le) retiro mi apoyo y seguiré por mi lado”.
La danza de declaraciones y deserciones en las filas opositoras esconden razones de poder profundas. César Maia es hoy uno de los principales líderes del conservador Partido del Frente Liberal, pero en sus orígenes fue un militante de izquierda que sufrió persecución y el exilio en Chile, contemporáneamente con José Serra, electo el domingo gobernador de San Pablo. Maia y Serra forman una sociedad política antigua, a pesar de militar en filas partidarias diferentes, y que tiene como destino final alcanzar la presidencia de la República en 2010. Si su correligionario Alckmin fuera electo en estos comicios, las chances de Serra se desplomarían.
Las escaramuzas entre socialdemócratas no tienen nada que envidiar a las que libran entre sí los petistas. Las conspiraciones entre los ex ministros José Dirceu y Antonio Palocci, que debieron renunciar acusados de corrupción, estuvieron a la orden del día en el primer año del gobierno.
En esta campaña menudearon las querellas entre la ex alcaldesa de San Pablo Marta Suplicy y el candidato a gobernador paulista, Aloizio Mercadante. La derrota de Mercadante y su vinculación con los últimos escándalos devolvieron al primer plano a Suplicy, nueva coordinadora de la campaña presidencial en ese estado. El domingo próximo Alckmin y Lula se verán las caras en un debate televisivo. Será una buena ocasión para que el presidente muestre su renovado espíritu combativo.
© 2000-2006 www.pagina12.com.ar|República Argentina|Todos los Derechos Reservados
http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/elmundo/4-74013-2006-10-05.html
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Bush aprobó más fondos para construir el muro
El mandatario norteamericano promulgó una ley que asigna 1200 millones de dólares para erigir la polémica valla fronteriza con México. Además, se gastará más en los controles a los inmigrantes ilegales. La decisión recibió críticas de Latinoamérica.
Jueves, 05 de Octubre de 2006
El presidente estadounidense, George W. Bush, promulgó ayer una ley que asigna 1200 millones de dólares para construir un muro en la frontera con México. Además, se asignan más fondos para el combate contra los inmigrantes indocumentados. “Esta legislación nos dará mejores herramientas para hacer cumplir nuestras leyes de inmigración y para resguardar nuestra frontera sur”, dijo Bush al firmar la ley de gastos para el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional (DHS) para el año fiscal 2007, durante un acto en Scottsdale, Arizona.
La ley aprobada por Bush incluye un paquete de medidas de refuerzo de la seguridad fronteriza, con un presupuesto total de 33.800 millones de dólares. Entre las medidas figura la atribución de 1200 millones de dólares para la construcción del muro en la frontera sur del país. Al menos 426 inmigrantes ilegales murieron intentando cruzarla en los últimos doce meses.
Esta ley de gastos no es, sin embargo, la que autoriza la construcción del muro, que fue aprobada por el Congreso el viernes pasado. La ley de gastos provee fondos para más vallas fronterizas, barreras vehiculares, iluminación, tecnología de punta, incluidos radares de tierra, cámaras infrarrojas y sensores avanzados que ayudarán a prevenir cruces ilegales en la frontera sur. “Si la gente sabe que serán detenidos y deportados por entrar ilegalmente, se reducirán las posibilidades de que entren ilegalmente”, aseguró el mandatario estadounidense.
Como era de esperarse, la noticia de la asignación de recursos para el muro fronterizo provocó el firme rechazo de México. “La medida lastima la relación bilateral en su conjunto y es contraria al espíritu de cooperación que debe prevalecer para garantizar la seguridad en la frontera común”, aseguró el gobierno mexicano. El presidente electo de México, Felipe Calderón, del oficialista Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), también expresó su rechazo al muro. “El alto índice de migración ilegal mexicana hacia Estados Unidos no puede reducirse por decreto ni por obstáculos físicos”, aseguró.
A pesar de todo, el gobierno mexicano afirmó que las relaciones con Estados Unidos seguirán por el buen camino. “El futuro de la prosperidad de México y el resto de Latinoamérica pasa necesariamente por una mayor integración con América del Norte”, afirmó el canciller Luis Ernesto Derbez ayer, al presentar un informe ante el Congreso. “No debe haber equívocos: nuestra relación con Estados Unidos es y debe seguir siendo prioridad de la política exterior de México, ya que la geografía nos obliga a ser vecinos, la economía nos obliga a ser socios y el fenómeno migratorio ha hecho que nuestras culturas se retroalimenten”, señaló Derbez.
También los gobiernos de América latina calificaron de “errónea” y “lamentable” la decisión de Estados Unidos. “Es lamentable que se haya tomado esa decisión. Los muros no sirven para nada”, enfatizó el presidente de Guatemala, Oscar Berger. Por su parte, Ecuador envió una nota a la Cancillería mexicana en la que le manifiesta su apoyo. “Ante la decisión del Congreso estadounidense de aprobar un proyecto de ley para construir un muro a lo largo de la frontera mexicano-norteamericana, Ecuador se adhiere a la posición de México.”
Sin embargo, las probabilidades de que el muro sea construido en su totalidad parecen escasas. Expertos y políticos señalaron que los fondos disponibles son insuficientes para llevar a cabo el proyecto, cuyo valor estimado va de 6000 a 8000 millones de dólares.
© 2000-2006 www.pagina12.com.ar|República Argentina|Todos los Derechos Reservados
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Los inconvenientes del Efecto Rowling
Por Rodrigo Fresán
Jueves, 05 de Octubre de 2006
Está visto que –en tiempos de Harry Potter– la noticia de una continuación “oficial” y “autorizada” del Peter Pan del escocés James Matthew Barrie (1860-1837) es asunto importante. Las pruebas están a la vista: búsqueda planetaria del candidato a asumir el gran reto (que, era de esperarlo, sería mujer; porque lo que convenía era conseguir un “Efecto Rowling”), más que sospechosa filtración a la prensa para avivar días antes del magno evento las llamas de la expectativa y lanzamiento mundial por todo lo alto y ancho. Desde un punto de vista estrictamente literario, la cosa no resulta tan trascendente: para empezar, el mismo y original Peter Pan tal como lo conocemos –primero obra de teatro en 1904 y recién novela en 1911– ya era, en sí, una suerte de continuación. Porque el personaje del niño volador que no quería crecer ya había aparecido como secundario en The Little White Bird, la muy inquietante y magistral novela de la que –a pedido de público y editores, luego del gran éxito obtenido en el teatro– se habían extraído los capítulos protagonizados por Peter Pan para convertirse en best-seller con el título de Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens. Más adelante, el mismo Barrie –vencido y atormentado por sucesivas tragedias, imposible de descoserse la sombra de su creación persiguiéndolo como la criatura a Frankenstein– jugueteó con la idea de una secuela y/o exorcismo. En sus cuadernos de notas aparecen varios apuntes reveladores en cuanto a una posible Michael Pan (que contaría la historia del hermano de Peter) o a una La vejez de Peter Pan. Una nota en un margen deja bien claro la intensidad de su sufrimiento y, demasiado tarde, la dolorosa conciencia de su error: “Es como si, tanto tiempo después de haber escrito Peter Pan, su verdadero significado por fin me resultara claro, transparente: la desesperación de intentar crecer y de no conseguirlo jamás”, confiesa Barrie. Y cabe pensar que a Barrie no le habría gustado el Peter Pan de Steven Spielberg/Robin Williams y que seguramente le produciría un orgulloso desconcierto el que el sex-symbol Johnny Depp hubiera interpretado su gran genio y su pequeña figura en el cine.
No se puede estar tan seguro, en cambio, de su opinión en cuanto a este muy promocionado Peter Pan de rojo escarlata firmado por la muy reconocida Geraldine McCaughrean. Las intenciones son buenas (es muy respetuosa de la fuente), aunque las motivaciones sean económicas: se trata de un encargo del hospital infantil de la londinense Great Ormond Street que perderá los derechos a la explotación total de la marca en el 2007, aunque seguirá percibiendo los royalties del libro que Barrie le dejó como legado con una única condición. Barrie –como hechicero de cuento de hadas– le hizo prometer a las autoridades del hospital que jamás revelarían las cifras del dinero recibido gracias a las idas y vueltas voladoras de Peter. Nadie duda que ha sido un dinero más que respetable. La idea es que esta segunda parte –50 por ciento de las ganancias para la autora y 50 por ciento para el hospital– ayude a paliar la inevitable disminución de ingresos. Y lo cierto es que el producto final es todo lo noble que podía y puede llegar a serlo aunque, a la hora de la verdad, resulte del todo innecesario. Porque si hay algo que Peter Pan no pide –y esto queda en evidencia en Peter Pan de rojo escarlata– es una continuación. Todo, absolutamente todo, ya está ahí, en el principio, desde hace tanto tiempo, en las playas del País de Nunca Jamás. Peter Pan no empieza ni termina. Su trama es un loop donde se reedita, una y otra vez, el eterno duelo entre el orden adulto (Garfio) y la anarquía infantil (Peter).
Y, entre uno y otro, nosotros. Por siempre indecisos. Preguntándonos si el héroe es tan bueno y el villano es tan malo.
Y si crecer es morir o –quizá, en realidad– vivir un poco.
© 2000-2006 www.pagina12.com.ar|República Argentina|Todos los Derechos Reservados
http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/suplementos/
espectaculos/subnotas/4049-1428-2006-10-05.html
The Independent:
Rice meets Abbas as the road map to peace lies in tatters
By Anne Penketh, Diplomatic Editor
Published: 05 October 2006
On 24 June 2002, President George Bush strode into the White House Rose Garden and announced to the world his vision of a two-state solution for Israel and the Palestinians.
The Bush speech, some 30 drafts in the making, put the onus on the Palestinians to enact democratic reforms - in the vain hope that they would ditch their veteran president, Yasser Arafat. But, nevertheless, it gave rise to the road map for peace, which bound Israel and the Palestinians to a timetable that was meant to lead to a "final and comprehensive settlement" by 2005.
With that deadline long past, the US Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, was shuttling between the Palestinian leadership and Israeli government yesterday in an attempt to put the peace process back on the rails.
The three-phase road map, guaranteed by the US, Russia, the European Union and the United Nations, grouped together as the Quartet, never even fulfilled the promises in its first phase under which the Palestinians were to rein in the militants, and Israel to freeze settlement building. Israel took it upon itself to execute Palestinian militant leaders, and forged ahead with settlement building on the West Bank.
Israel's unilateral steps consigned the Quartet to the role of bystander. In three and a half years, the road map has led nowhere. Despite Israel's pullout from Gaza, the territory's 1.4 million Palestinians remain hemmed inside a prison by an Israeli blockade backed by tanks and warplanes. International sanctions have brought hardship to government employees whose wages have been unpaid for months.
But the shock waves from the Lebanon war and Iraq have brought a new push for Middle East peace. Tony Blair has pledged to make reviving the peace process a personal priority during his remaining months in office. The Prime Minister has discussed the Middle East conflict, Lebanon and the broader issue of terrorism with the leaders of Pakistan, Turkey and Spain in the past week.
While Ms Rice was in the region, the International Crisis Group published a statement yesterday signed by 135 former world leaders, including John Major and Jimmy Carter, calling for "fresh thinking and the injection of new political will" to resolve the conflict. "As long as the conflict lasts, it will generate instability and violence in the region and beyond," it said.
And more ominously, a group calling itself al-Qa'ida in Palestine posted a five-minute video on the internet attacking those who "work in the service of the Jews". Israeli intelligence has said in the past that al-Qa'ida does not have a foothold in the Palestinian territories.
Ms Rice, who was lectured on Tuesday by the leaders of Egypt and Saudi Arabia about the link between the Palestinian conflict and others in the Middle East, acknowledged Palestinian hardship after talks with President Mahmoud Abbas in Ramallah. "I told the President we are very concerned, of course, about the humanitarian conditions," she said. "I said we would redouble our efforts to improve conditions for the Palestinian people."
But she gave no sign of any softening in the administration's stance that could lead to the lifting of the international economic sanctions aimed at forcing the Islamic Hamas government to recognise Israel and renounce violence. Mr Blair made it clear last month that, if a unity government took such steps, do- nor countries would re-engage.
Mr Abbas said yesterday that his attempts to form a coalition government with Hamas were at an end, amid factional fighting between Fatah and Hamas. He hinted that he might fire the government using his constitutional powers and call fresh elections, but that is an initiative that could backfire against Fatah, still in denial about their election loss.
Ms Rice is seeking to bolster the authority of the Palestinian President who, despite his marginalised role, remains the only possible interlocutor for Israel. Hamas is branded as a terrorist organisation by Israel.
The Hamas Prime Minister, Ismail Haniyeh, was scathing about her visit, saying she "cares only to rearrange this region and to rearrange the Palestinian scene in a way that serves the American and Israeli agenda."
Yet the framework set down in the road map remains the only game in town. "We've not shelved the road map. Everyone knows what we are aiming for," said a Downing Street source, who noted that Mr Blair intends to return to the region at an unspecified date. "We need small steps, confidence-building, and a process of dialogue." Mr Blair's standing in the Middle East is at a low ebb, however, because of his association with US policy.
"Initiatives come and go. It's very difficult to see a way out at the moment," said a Western diplomat in Jerusalem.
THE ROAD MAP TO NOWHERE
Four years after George Bush unveiled his Middle East plan, Condoleezza Rice arrived to find peace as far away as ever
The road-map promise
Palestinian "terror infrastructure" to be dismantled and "visible efforts" made to arrest attackers of Israelis.
What happened
Suicide bombings against Israelis continue despite publication of the road map, backed by George Bush. Israel begins building "separation barrier", which is condemned as an illegal land grab. Palestinian government undermined by Israel, which targets militants.
The promise
Israel to freeze all settlement activity and dismantle illegal outposts.
What happened
Some illegal outposts are dismantled although settlers return. Governments of Ariel Sharon and Ehud Olmert forge ahead with settlement blocs on occupied land in the West Bank. Unilateral Israeli moves have created new "facts on the ground" which will complicate future final status negotiations on a two-state solution.
The promise
"Free, fair and open" elections to be held in Palestinian territories.
What happened
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas is elected in January 2005. But rival Hamas wins 2006 elections. Abbas's authority is irreparably weakened, and talks with Hamas on coalition government break down.
The promise
Creation of an independent Palestinian state with provisional borders in 2003.
What happened
Unilateral pullout from Gaza and part of the West Bank is completed in September 2005. But Gaza subjected to economic blockade and military incursions continue. Ehud Olmert unveils unilateral separation plan, which threatens to leave the separation barrier as a new border.
The promise
Two-state solution for Israel and Palestinians, to be achieved by 2005, to lead to comprehensive peace.
What happened
Israel launches full-scale war in July after Hizbollah militia in Lebanon, allied to Syria and Iran, capture two Israeli soldiers in a cross-border incursion.
© 2006 Independent News and Media Limited
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/politics/article1799447.ece
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