Elsewhere Today 456
Aljazeera:
Brown to make key Iraq statement
MONDAY, OCTOBER 08, 2007
11:31 MECCA TIME, 8:31 GMT
Gordon Brown, the British prime minister, is expected to make a major announcement regarding his country's role in the war in Iraq.
The address to parliament on Monday comes as a new study claims the US-led "war on terror" has been a disaster and Brown faces domestic criticism after his climbdown over plans to hold an early UK election.
The prime minister visited Iraq last week where he said that 1,000 British troops would leave the country by Christmas.
But it later emerged that half of the cuts had already been announced.
The revelation prompted claims that he had manipulated the media for party political or electoral gain.
'Counterproductive'
The Oxford Research Group, a UK-based global security think-tank, said in a report on Monday that the US and its allies, including the UK, should rethink their policy on Iraq and Afghanistan as it had been a "disaster".
The report, Towards Sustainable Security: Alternative Approaches to the War on Terror, said that western strategy since the September 11 attacks had failed to extinguish the threat from Islamist extremism and had even helped fuel it.
Paul Rogers, the author of the report, said: "Every aspect of the war on terror has been counterproductive in Iraq and Afghanistan, from the loss of civilian life through mass detentions without trial.
"In short, it has been a disaster.
"Western countries simply have to face up to the dangerous mistakes of the past six years and recognise the need for new policies."
Brown is scheduled to update MPs about British troop levels in southern Iraq in parliament at 1430GMT.
He will first have to negotiate what is expected to be a rigorous press briefing where he is likely to face accusations he lost his nerve over the weekend by deciding not to call an election for November 1 after poll ratings showed his popularity had fallen sharply.
'Weak and indecisive'
Labour MPs, many of whom are furious over the election debacle, which has given opposition politicians the chance to accuse Brown of being weak and indecisive.
Brown, who took over from Tony Blair three months ago, insisted he would have won an election had he decided to call it, but wanted time to carry out his policies first.
"The easiest thing I could have done is call an election. I could have called an election on competence ... We could have won an election now or won an election sooner or later," Brown said in an interview with the BBC.
"I believe the country deserves to see from us our vision of the future and our implementation of it."
Speculation of an early vote grew over the past few weeks when polls showed Brown with an 11 percent lead over his Conservative rivals.
Growing frustration
The government rescheduled business to make an early vote possible, and Brown fuelled the speculation by refusing for weeks to rule it out.
David Cameron, the Conservative leader, said Brown was treating the public "like fools".
Questions over Brown's leadership come as frustration grows in the UK over the country's involvement in Iraq.
Ben Griffin, the first member of the British army’s elite SAS to quit on moral grounds after tours in both Iraq and Afghanistan, told Al Jazeera there was a growing frustration among British troops in Iraq who he said were increasing asking: "what are we doing here?"
He said: "Obviously the troops who have been told they are coming home are going to be pleased about it.
"I think there is a sense within the troops that if any more die they will have died for nothing."
Roger Bacon, a Briton whose son, a major in the intelligence corps, was killed in Iraq in 2005, told Al Jazeera he thought it was time for British troops to return home.
"As far as I am concerned, get them out of the country. We have to withdraw," he said.
ORG report: Key points
Some of the comments made in the Oxford Research Group report and by its author, Paul Rogers.
- Every aspect of the "war on terror" has been counterproductive.
- Whatever the problems with Iran, war should be avoided at all costs.
- The US-led war in Iraq was a "grievous mistake".
- The removal of the Taliban from power in Afghanistan has been of "direct value" to al-Qaeda.
- The policy of "extraordinary rendition" of suspects in third-party countries outside US legal jurisdiction created a useful propaganda weapon.
- The US and its allies need to better understand the roots of al-Qaeda and its support base.
Source: Al Jazeera and agencies
http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/8FDF82E7-E7A4-4D93-9744-F7164E3BDB74.htm
AllAfrica: Darfur Town Where AU Peacekeepers
Were Attacked Burned Down – UN
UN News Service (New York) NEWS
7 October 2007
The South Darfur town of Haskanita that witnessed a deadly attack against African Union (AU) peacekeepers last weekend has been burned down, the United Nations Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) reported today.
Haskanita, "which is currently under the control of the Government, was completely burned down, except for a few buildings," UNMIS said today, after conducting a joint assessment mission to the area yesterday with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
"The market area had been looted. Few civilians had returned in search of food and water," the Mission added.
The civilian population had reportedly fled to neighbouring areas of Haskanita when the first attack took place on 29 September.
The town was the site of a deadly attack on AU peacekeepers just a week ago that killed nearly a dozen people and wounded many more, with several people also reported missing.
The attack took place in the lead-up to peace talks set to begin in Libya on 27 October between the Sudanese Government and Darfur's many rebel groups in an effort to resolve a conflict that has led to the deaths of more than 200,000 people since 2003.
As part of the ongoing preparations for the talks, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's Special Envoy for Darfur just concluded a series of meetings in Khartoum, UNMIS reported.
Jan Eliasson briefed Sudanese Foreign Minister Lam Akol on the preparations for the negotiations, and also met with the President's Senior Assistant Minni Minawi.
The Special Envoy also met with the Joint Mediation Support Team, AU-UN Joint Special Representative Rodolphe Adada, Acting UN Special Representative Taye-Brook Zerihoun and Deputy Representative Ameerah Haq. While in Khartoum, he also met with United States Special Envoy Andrew Natsios.
Mr. Eliasson is now in Addis Ababa, where he will chair, together with his AU counterpart Salim Ahmed Salim, a two-day meeting with the Joint Mediation Support Team on the preparations for the upcoming talks. From there he will return to Khartoum for further discussions.
Copyright © 2007 UN News Service. All rights reserved.
http://allafrica.com/stories/200710070008.html
AlterNet: Do Progressives Have
the Wrong Idea About Change?
By Ted Nordhaus and Michael Shellenberger, AlterNet
Posted on October 8, 2007
Michael Shellenberger and Ted Nordhaus have written a book - Break Through: From the Death of Environmentalism to the Politics of Possibility (Houghton Mifflin, 2007) - that challenges the way we are used to thinking about solving social problems. The conventional wisdom writ large, especially for progressives, is that when things are bad, people need to be scared into changing their habits, whether it is to protect the 50 million people who lack health care, or the behaviors that contribute to potential climate catastrophe. Most of us assume that we have severely limited resources, that growth is bad, and we need ever-increasing amounts of regulation to save the future.
In their book, Nordhaus and Shellenberger suggest something very different. They argue strongly that scaring people is no way to make change. For example the 250 million people with health care will not be inclined to fight for those who don't have it, unless they feel confident in the future, and that the health system will improve for them too, since people don't want what exists to get worse in the process of expanding care.
The same for climate catastrophe: As Nordhaus and Shellenberger put it: "Cautionary tales and narratives of eco-apocalypse tend to provoke fatalism, conservatism, and survivalism among voters - not the rational embrace of environmental policies. This research is consistent with extensive social-science research that strongly correlates fear, rising insecurity, and pessimism about the future with resistance to change."
Furthermore, they strongly argue that an enormous investment in green technology, including huge commitments from the military, as in supporting the Internet and computer chips development, combined with unleashing the best of the American "can do" inventive energy is a much more viable approach than the technological fixes, caps on pollution, carbon trading, and all the strategies that put constraints on human activity. This is controversial approach to say the least, and one that flies in the face of much of what progressives have come to believe about growth and regulation.
Needless to say, in a world with enormous problems and challenges facing all of us, and the radically different worldviews that dramatically divide this country, considering new, provocative ideas can cause anxiety. Many simply want to get the bad guys out of power. But if and when that happens, we still need to figure out how to fix the massive array of problems ahead of us. That is Shellenberger and Nordhaus's point. The old ideas are not going to work. We need a new vision, and the authors are offering one, and stirring the pot in the process.
In the end, many readers may not agree with the Break Through thesis, but the ideas the authors present deserve discussion and debate. Progressives are stuck with a lot of conventional wisdom that has not led us to change and the success we need.
What follows is an essay from Nordhaus and Shellenberger, based upon ideas in their book, followed by commentary from writers with strong opinions on the book. A second article on AlterNet today is a review by environmental writer and leader Bill McKibben of Break Through and Bjorn Lomborg's Cool It: The Skeptical Environmentalists Guide to Global Warming.
- Don Hazen, Executive Editor
***
American Power: The Case for
an Energetic New Progressive Politics
By Ted Nordhaus and Michael Shellenberger
Most progressives today are optimistic that, in 2008, Democrats will regain the White House and solidify their majority in Congress, largely on the basis of the country's anti-war sentiment alone. But down this path lies danger, for if Democrats fail to offer a vision for the future that is as large and positive as the war in Iraq is negative, we may take back the White House and Congress and fail to take back America.
A new politics should inspire Americans to grapple with certain existential questions: What kind of a country do we want? How can we achieve it? These questions implicitly contain a question about investment: how shall we invest our wealth and our labor?
With Iraq and the "war on terror," the conservative movement has defined American power as unilateral military force. Progressives have not yet offered a counter-argument and story about American greatness that is capable of challenging the (neo)conservative one.
A new story of American Power begins by acknowledging what our country is great at: imagining, experimenting, and inventing the future. First we dream - and then we invent.
The time is ripe for progressives and environmentalists of all stripes to come together around American Power agenda for a major investment into clean energy. Not only is a large public investment crucial to bringing down the price of clean energy, an investment-centered agenda will serve the purpose of unifying Americans under a vision for energy independence and economic revitalization, one that will appeal to California and New England progressives and environmentalists and Midwestern Reagan Democrats alike.
Massive investments in clean energy offers a way of defining the source of American power around our capacity to dream better futures - and invent our way out of crises. Oil-funded terrorism, global warming, economic insecurity - these are challenges that America will overcome through our ingenuity and our capacity to reinvent ourselves every fifty years.
Given all this, it is more than a little ironic that one of the lobbies most standing in the way of this vision of investment-centered vision of American Power is the Washington, D.C.-based environmental establishment itself.
An investment-centered approach
Our new book, Break Through: From the Death of Environmentalism to the Politics of Possibility, was born from an essay we wrote in 2004 about the politics of energy and global warming. Before we wrote that essay, "The Death of Environmentalism," the two of us had spent all of our professional careers, about thirty years between us, working for the country's largest environmental organizations and foundations, as well as many smaller grassroots ones. Like most of our colleagues, we tended to see global warming as a problem of pollution, whose solution would be found in pollution limits.
In 2003 we started to break away from the pollution and regulation framework. With a small group of others we created a proposal for a new Apollo project. We proposed a major investment in clean-energy jobs, research and development, infrastructure, and transit, with the goal of achieving energy independence. The political thinking was that this agenda would win over blue-collar and swing voters and Reagan Democrats in the presidential battleground states of the Midwest, and excite the high-tech creative class at the same time. And by putting serious public investment on the table-$300 billion over ten years-we hoped we could break through the logjam that had divided business, labor, and environmental groups for years.
But more than any short-term political calculation, Apollo, we hoped, would be the vehicle for telling a powerful new story about American greatness, invention, and moral purpose.
After we created the Apollo proposal, we did what new political coalitions on the left tend to do: round up endorsements from other groups. And while we succeeded in getting endorsements and letters of support for Apollo's principles from businesses, unions, and most of the large national environmental groups, we were baffled, and then angered, by what happened next.
Environmental lobbyists told us that while they supported Apollo's vision, they would do nothing to support it in concrete ways, either in Congress or during the 2004 elections. Those of us who had created Apollo had made the decision to focus on jobs and energy independence, because they were far higher priorities among voters than stopping global warming. In particular, we discovered that investment in clean-energy jobs, to get free of oil, was more popular with voters than talk of global warming, clean air, and regulation. But environmental leaders thought our nonenvironmental and nonregulatory focus was a vice, not a virtue.
Fearing that it would distract Democrats' attention away from stopping the George W. Bush administration's energy bill, which included billions in new subsidies for coal and oil, environmental leaders eventually asked us to keep Apollo legislation from being considered by Congress. Still the good soldiers, we did as we were asked, and Apollo was, briefly, withdrawn. But it hardly mattered: the Bush energy bill passed anyway.
Today, four years after we were told to withdraw legislation to invest $300 billion into a new Apollo project for clean energy, the demand for action on energy independence and global warming have only grown. And yet environmental leaders continue to deny the need for major new investments and insist that new pollution and efficiency regulations are all we need.
In September 2007, the Nathan Cummings Foundation and the Breakthrough Institute conducted a nationwide poll of likely voters on global warming and energy. What we found was that global warming continues to rank dead last as a concern for voters. The poll also tested public support for a variety of global warming policy prescriptions. The investment-centered "New Apollo" program received substantially more support than the regulation-centered alternatives (cap-and-trade and Sky Trust). After voters were told of the negative consequences of each program, Apollo was the only program to maintain majority support of the electorate.
The politics of limits
The consensus today among climate scientists is that U.S. emissions must be reduced 80 percent by 2050 if we are stabilize emissions and avoid catastrophic climate change. But current regulatory approaches will result in modest, not deep, reductions in carbon emissions. That's because there simply do not yet exist the low cost, low carbon technologies that could be quickly brought to scale to replace carbon intensive energy sources. It is true that some strategies for reducing emissions, such as efficiency and conservation, can be scaled up immediately. But disruptive technologies like solar and carbon capture and storage - mass quantities of which will be required to deal with global warming - are still far more expensive than coal and gas.
Environmentalists suggest that setting some pollution limits and a price for carbon will be enough to move gradually - emissions reductions of just two percent per year - to achieve 80 percent reductions in greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. But the price of carbon would have to be set at exorbitant levels for today's clean energy alternatives to become cost-competitive with coal, especially in China and the developing world, which will contribute 70 percent of new emissions between now and the middle of the century. And if action on global warming depends on voters and politicians accepting higher energy prices, there will - as we have seen - be very little action on global warming.
Recognizing that voters care more about the cost of energy than global warming, the policies under consideration in Congress would limit pollution so little that the price for carbon would be very low, around $7 to $10 per ton. At that price, firms required to reduce their emissions will invest in the least expensive emissions reductions possible, such as burning methane from landfills, purchasing forest land for carbon sequestration, shifting from coal to natural gas, or retrofitting power plants and buildings so they operate more efficiently. Private investment would not, for the most part, go to technologies like low-cost solar energy and carbon capture and storage, which are required to displace coal-based energy.
Meanwhile, China and India long ago rejected any approach to addressing climate change that would constrain their greenhouse gas emissions or their economic growth. For years, energy experts had expected that China would overtake the United States as the world's largest greenhouse gas emitter by 2025. It turns out that China will gain that distinction by the end of this year. The governments and the people of China and India are increasingly concerned about global warming, to be sure, but they are far more motivated by economic development, and to the extent that the battle against global warming is fought in terms of ecological limits rather than economic possibility, there's little doubt which path these countries will take.
The only way the Chinese government will be able to substantially reduce its emissions is if the price of clean energy and carbon capture technologies come down enough to get within striking distance of the price of fossil fuels.
The dramatic and rapid breakthroughs in price and performance that we need will not be primarily driven by the private sector. Private firms will play an important role in bringing new technologies to market - and carbon pricing will play an important role in making market conditions more amenable to clean energy technologies. However, private firms will not make the large, long-term investments in R&D and deployment, nor can they create the public infrastructure (e.g., new transmission lines bringing wind power from rural areas to cities) needed for the new energy economy.
Given all of this, it's odd that environmentalists ever viewed global warming as fundamentally similar problem to things like smog in L.A., acid rain, and the hole in the ozone, much less one that won't be hard to fix. Granted, both problems are consequences of human pollution. But whereas dealing with the ozone hole required a simple, inexpensive chemical substitute, global warming demands a totally different way of producing energy. We were able to fight smog without replacing oil. We dealt with acid rain without dismantling our power plants. And we will phase out ozone-depleting chemicals without affecting any of our energy sources. But to deal with global warming, we will need an almost entirely new energy infrastructure - one that will first require the creation of an almost entirely new politics.
American power
In the dark depths of the Great Depression, President Franklin Roosevelt became a radical experimentalist, inventing various New Deal programs to overcome hunger and joblessness. During World War II, America defeated fascism as much through our ingenuity and manufacturing muscle as through our fighting GIs. In the 1960s and 1970s, the Defense Department made a series of large and strategic investments to create the Internet, and it guaranteed the market for microchips, thereby creating the conditions for the electronics and information revolutions.
Today we launch a new campaign called "American Power," one aimed at persuading Congress to generate the $30 billion annual investment we need to make clean energy as cheap as possible, as quickly as possible. American Power will provide a vital peacetime role for the military. Just as the Department of Defense guaranteed the nascent market for silicon microchips in the 1960s, bringing the price down from $1,000 to $20 per chip in just a few years, the Pentagon must today do the same with silicon solar panels.
There are no silver bullets when it comes to energy, but solar panels, like microchips, have their own kind of "Moore's Law": the price of solar comes down roughly 20 percent every time production capacity is doubled. Experts say that for a total cost of $50 to $200 billion, we could bring solar panels down to the price of natural gas or even goal. It might be the best $200 billion ever spent by the U.S. military.
Our new book, Break Through, is a call for a new positive politics, one that puts a vision of a better world - not ecological apocalypse with its view of humankind's sins against nature - at the center. At the very moment when we find ourselves facing new problems, new social and economic forces are emerging to confront them. Internet-empowered grassroots activists, high-tech entreprenuers, and the new creative class may become the force behind a new politics of possibility.
Policy-wise, we should make big investments into clean energy and take action to restrict greenhouse gases. But in our politics - and our vision for the future - we will be in a far stronger position if we put this energetic definition of American Power at the center.
Only time will tell whether Washington-based environmental groups will ever come around to this new, investment-centered agenda. The first test could arrive as early as next month. That's when Congress may take up global warming legislation. What matters most about the legislation under consideration is how much money it will raise for investments into clean energy.
But this isn't just about what we do over the next several months. It's about the politics we need for the next several decades. What's needed isn't so much a new policy or a new message but rather a new movement, one that embraces human power and ingenuity and public investment and puts these forces to work to creating a new energy economy and a more prosperous, secure world.
The good news is that, at the very moment when we find ourselves facing new problems, from global warming to the insecurity born from globalization, new social and economic forces are emerging to overcome them. High-tech businesses and creative "knowledge workers" may become a political force for big clean energy investments. And Democrats and progressives, looking for a positive vision every bit as big and bold as the war in Iraq is negative and awful, could put this new vision of American power to work for the good of the world.
***
Comments on "Break Through" from Chris Mooney's De-Smog Blog.
You probably heard already: The "Death of Environmentalism" guys are back, once again explaining the follies of the green movement.
Their new book, Break Through, has created a lot of chatter with its argument that enviros are too darn pessimistic, and repeatedly shoot themselves in the foot with command-and-control regulatory thinking and doom and gloom talking.
I decided to check out the Cliff notes version of Break Through - published in article/excerpt form recently in The New Republic. What I read was both quite sophisticated and yet, at the same time, a bit grating. You see, Nordhaus and Shellenberger are really arguing against a state of mind, a zeitgeist even, rather than anything very specific. Which is fine - especially if you attack the right zeitgeist (which they do). The approach, however, allows them simultaneously to rebuke greens and yet also outline a clean energy policy agenda that most environmentalists-at least as I understand the term - would probably agree with.
It's a matter of emphasis, really. It's a matter of framing.
And indeed, it's on the subject of framing environmental messages where Nordhaus and Shellenberger make their most resonant point. Let's say it again: Doom and gloom = bad messaging. This is not exactly a new observation, and it happens to be grounded in tons of social science research and public opinion data. As American University professor Matthew Nisbet and I have argued repeatedly, you don't want to frame global warming as a "Pandora's Box" of untold catastrophes. Not only does this lead to a temptation to oversell the science about many still uncertain climate impacts. It also makes people feel helpless, or worse. As Nordhaus and Shellenberger put it:
"Cautionary tales and narratives of eco-apocalypse tend to provoke fatalism, conservatism, and survivalism among voters - not the rational embrace of environmental policies. This research is consistent with extensive social-science research that strongly correlates fear, rising insecurity, and pessimism about the future with resistance to change."
So how do you frame environmental issues? Well, for one thing, you use optimism - and a sense of can-do spirit-to your advantage. You don't tell people that the world is going to end, or that they're going to be poorer; rather, you tell them there are economic opportunities lying in wait if we address global warming. And then they’re more inclined to listen. Indeed, I would argue that if there's one central reason the climate issue has shifted of late, it's that many energy and transportation industry companies are changing their tune and waking up to the fact that they will still be making money - and perhaps even more of it - in a post-carbon world.
Not only do Nordhaus and Shellenberger get the central global warming message right - they go farther with detailed policy prescriptions. The bulk of their New Republic article explains why we must invest massively in new clean energy innovations, instead of just emphasizing caps on pollution all the time. After all, the latter strategy quickly and inevitably leads to counter-charges about wrecking the economy and keeping people poor - and suddenly we find economics cutting against environmental interests, rather than working in their favor.
My main problem with this line of argument is that I don't disagree with it - which is precisely the point. I mean, does anyone deny that global warming is fundamentally an energy problem, and that solving it will necessitate bringing online innovative new technologies that let us power our societies in a way that's both cheaper and cleaner?
***
Note by Don Hazen on a recent review of Break Through from the San Francisco Chronicle.
Robert Collier, a former San Francisco Chronicle reporter, and now a visiting scholar at UC Berkeley's Center for Environmental Public Policy, reviewed Break Through along with Global Warming denier Bjorn Lomborg's book, Cool It, this Sunday.
Collier's review is quite bizarre. Collier tries to equate Break Through with the highly discredited work of Lomborg. Collier writes, "Like [Danish writer Bjorn] Lomborg, Nordhaus and Shellenberger argue that global warming is nothing to be much afraid of." and that " Translated into plain English," the Shellenberger/Nordhaus book is "essentially a repeat of conservatives' hoary old line that environmentalists are a bunch of rich, secular, tree-hugging snobs. ..."
I'm not sure what book Collier read, but Nordhaus and Shellenberger are not remotely global warming deniers. They describe the climate future as an "existential" threat to human civilization.'" And that "global warming will likely trigger droughts, water scarcities, and famines." And: "Over the next fifty years, if we continue to burn as much coal and oil as we've been burning, the heating of the earth will cause the sea levels to rise and the Amazon to collapse and, according to scenarios commissioned by the Pentagon, will trigger a series of wars over basic resources like food and water."
Collier writes that the Nordhaus/Shellenberger book, along with Lonmborg's book, "serve as talking-point summaries for those who want to defend the status quo of American energy-guzzling lifestyles." This is in contrast to the authors essential argument in the book is that after one's basic needs are met, greater consumption (including "energy-guzzling") is unnecessary."
Ted Nordhaus and Michael Shellenberger are authors of Break Through: From the Death of Environmentalism to the Politics of Possibility (Houghton Mifflin, 2007), and founders of American Environics and the Breakthrough Institute.
© 2007 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at:
http://www.alternet.org/story/64638/
AlterNet:
Climate Change: Can We Stop It?
By Bill McKibben, New York Review of Books
Posted on October 8, 2007
Reviewed:
Cool It: The Skeptical Environmentalist's Guide to Global Warming
by Bjørn Lomborg
Knopf, 253 pp., $21.00
Break Through: From the Death of Environmentalism to the Politics of Possibility
by Ted Nordhaus and Michael Shellenberger Houghton Mifflin, 344 pp., $25.00
What We Know About Climate Change
by Kerry Emanuel
MIT Press, 85 pp., $14.95
Climate Change: What It Means for Us, Our Children, and Our Grandchildren
edited by Joseph F.C. DiMento and Pamela Doughman MIT Press, 217 pp., $19.95 (paper)
During the last year, momentum has finally begun to build for taking action against global warming by putting limits on carbon emissions and then reducing them. Driven by ever-more-dire scientific reports, Congress has, for the first time, begun debating ambitious targets for carbon reduction. Al Gore, in his recent Live Earth concerts, announced that he will work to see an international treaty signed by the end of 2009. Even President Bush has recently reversed his previous opposition and summoned the leaders of all the top carbon-emitting countries to a series of conferences designed to yield some form of limits on CO2.
The authors of the first two books under review have some doubts about a strategy that emphasizes limits on carbon emissions, Lomborg for economic reasons and Nordhaus and Shellenberger for political ones. Since any transition away from fossil fuel is likely to be the dominant global project of the first half of the twenty-first century, it's worth taking those qualms seriously.
In his earlier book, The Skeptical Environmentalist, Bjørn Lomborg, a Danish statistician, attacked the scientific establishment on a number of topics, including global warming, and concluded that things were generally improving here on earth. The book was warmly received on the editorial pages of The Wall Street Journal, but most scientists were unimpressed. Scientific American published scathing rebuttals from leading researchers, and its editor concluded in a note to readers that "in its purpose of describing the real state of the world, the book is a failure." A review in Nature compared it to "bad term papers," and called it heavily reliant on secondary sources and "at times … fictional." E.O. Wilson, who has over the years been attacked by the left (for sociobiology) and the right (for his work on nature conservation), and usually responded only with a bemused detachment, sent Lomborg a public note that called his book a "sordid mess." Lomborg replied to all of this vigorously and at great length, and then went on, with the help of The Economist magazine, to convene a "dream team" of eight economists including three Nobel laureates and ask them to consider the costs and benefits of dealing with various world problems. According to his panel, dealing with malaria ranked higher than controlling carbon emissions, though again some observers felt the panel had been stacked and one of the economists who took part told reporters that "climate change was set up to fail." Lomborg later conducted a similar exercise with "youth leaders" and with ambassadors to the United Nations, including the former US emissary John Bolton, with similar results.
In his new book, Cool It, Lomborg begins by saying that the consensus scientific position on climate change - that we face a rise in temperature of about five degrees Fahrenheit by century's end - is correct, but that it's not that big a deal. "Many other issues are much more important than global warming." In fact, he argues, it would be a great mistake either to impose stiff caps on carbon or to spend large sums of money - he mentions $25 billion worldwide annually on R&D as an upper bound - trying to dramatically reduce emissions because global warming won't be all that bad. The effort to cut emissions won't work very well, and we could better spend the money on other projects like giving out bed nets to prevent malaria.
Lomborg casts himself as the voice of reason in this debate, contending with well-meaning but wooly-headed scientists, bureaucrats, environmentalists, politicians, and reporters. I got a preview of some of these arguments in May when we engaged in a dialogue at Middlebury College in Vermont; they struck me then, and strike me now in written form, as tendentious and partisan in particularly narrow ways. Lomborg has appeared regularly on right-wing radio and TV programs, and been summoned to offer helpful testimony by, for instance, Oklahoma Senator James Inhofe, famous for his claim that global warming is a hoax. That Lomborg disagrees with him and finds much of the scientific analysis of global warming accurate doesn't matter to Inhofe; for his purposes, it is sufficient that Lomborg opposes doing much of anything about it.
But Lomborg's actual arguments turn out to be weak, a farrago of straw men and carefully selected, shopworn data that holds up poorly in light of the most recent research, both scientific and economic. He calculates at great length, for instance, his claim that the decline in the number of people dying from cold weather will outweigh the increase in the number of people dying from the heat, leading him to the genial conclusion that a main effect of global warming may be that "we just notice people wearing slightly fewer layers of winter clothes on a winter's evening." But in April 2007, Working Group II of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the panel of experts whose scientific data he prefers to cite, released a report showing, among many other things, that fewer deaths from cold exposure "will be outweighed by the negative health effects of rising temperatures world-wide, especially in developing countries."
In fact, the IPCC poses a serious problem for Lomborg. He accepts this international conclave of scientists and other experts early on in his book as the arbiter of fact on questions of global warming. Unfortunately for Lomborg, just as he was wrapping up this book the IPCC published, quite apart from the report of its April panel, its most recent five-year update on the economics and engineering of climate change solutions, which undercuts his main argument.
Consider Lomborg's central idea that we can't do much about global warming, and that anything we do attempt will be outrageously expensive. Lomborg bases his analyses on studies of the Kyoto Protocol, negotiated a decade ago. He argues that that protocol would make only the slightest dent during this century in how much the planet warms. This is a debater's point to begin with - the Kyoto Protocol was only supposed to last through 2012; everyone knew it was at best a first step, and this first step was further weakened after attacks from conservative economists claiming that it would bankrupt the earth (attacks that kept the US from ever signing on).
As it turns out, they were almost certainly wrong. Working Group III of the IPCC, which reported at the beginning of May, said at great length that in fact it was technically feasible to reduce emissions to the point where temperature rise could be held below 3.6 degrees Fahrenheit, or 2 degrees Celsius - the point where many climate scientists now believe global warming may turn from a miserable problem into a catastrophe. As the IPCC said: "Both bottom-up and top-down studies indicate that there is substantial economic potential for the mitigation of global GHG emissions over the coming decades, that could offset the projected growth of global emissions or reduce emissions below current levels."
The technologies cited as examples are numerous and varied, and reflect the immense amount of research into alternatives that has been conducted in the decade since Lomborg's estimates based on Kyoto data. They include hybrid cars, combined heat and power plants, better lighting, improved crop-plowing techniques, better forestry, higher-efficiency aircraft, and tidal energy, among others. These reflect precisely the kinds of human ingenuity that Lomborg says he wants to encourage, and they undermine the idea that we can't possibly get emissions under control. By contrast, the report shows that following the Lomborg path - which essentially calls for some more funding for research and no governmental action - will see carbon emissions rise as much as 90 percent worldwide by 2030. The IPCC conclusions, it should be said, were compiled by 168 lead authors, 84 contributing authors, and 485 expert peer reviewers, spanning a huge variety of relevant disciplines. This seems to me more convincing than Lomborg's "dream team" of eight economists gathered for a few days in Copenhagen.
Moreover, the IPCC team made it clear in their May report that it was not only feasible to make these changes but economically possible as well. They calculated that if we made this energy transition, the economy would grow very slightly more slowly than before - about 0.12 percent more slowly annually, or 3 percent total by 2030. In other words, our children would have to wait until Thanksgiving 2030 to be as rich as they would otherwise have been on New Year's Day of that year.
This seems to me very good news - I've long worried that the cost would be substantially higher. But it also makes a good deal of sense. Remember how, say, the auto industry warned that first seatbelts and then airbags would cripple them economically? As soon as the government mandated their use, manufacturers figured out how to make them more cheaply and easily than we would have guessed. We've seen the same results with other pollutants.
The IPCC report, to put it bluntly, eviscerates Lomborg's argument; maybe that's why he devotes but a single paragraph to it in the book, scoffing at "several commentators" who called the estimated reduction of 3 percent by 2030 "negligible." But though Lomborg will doubtless eventually produce a long disquisition on why he knows better than the 737 experts collaborating on the IPCC project, his bluff has been called. Consider the reaction of his old colleagues at The Economist, which only a few short years ago was underwriting his Copenhagen Consensus work. "Just as mankind caused the problem," the editors said, "so mankind can stop it - and at a reasonable cost." The 0.12 percent a year drag on GDP? "The world would barely notice such figures," said the magazine, hardly noted for its casual attitude about economic growth.
Doubtless scientists and economists will spend many hours working their way through Cool It, flagging the distortions and half-truths as they did with Lomborg's earlier book. In fact, though, its real political intent soon becomes clear, which is to try to paint those who wish to control carbon emissions as well-meaning fools who will inadvertently block improvements in the life of the poor. Just ask yourself this question: Why has Lomborg decided to compare the efficacy of (largely theoretical) funding to stop global warming with his other priorities, like fighting malaria or ensuring clean water? If fighting malaria was his real goal, he could as easily have asked the question: Why don't we divert to it some of the (large and nontheoretical) sums spent on, say, the military? The answer he gave when I asked this question at our dialogue was that he thought military spending was bad and that therefore it made more sense to compare global warming dollars with other "good" spending. But of course this makes less sense. If he thought that money spent for the military was doing damage, then he could kill two birds with one stone by diverting some of it to his other projects. Proposing that, though, would lose him much of the right-wing support that made his earlier book a best seller - he'd no longer be able to count on even The Wall Street Journal editorial page.
In its editorial celebrating the IPCC report, The Economist adds a caveat. Though the new data make clear that "the technology and the economics of this problem are easily soluble," the politics of the situation are much harder. "The problem, of course, is that the numbers work only if they are applied globally…. All the world's big emitters need to do it," and each of them will be tempted to take a pass.
It's in this light that the new book by Ted Nordhaus and Michael Shellenberger is of interest, for they address the question of how to persuade Americans to take action on climate change. In October 2004, they collaborated on a provocative essay called "The Death of Environmentalism." Naming names (and quoting Martin Heidegger, Zen koans, and Abraham Lincoln), they accused the environmental movement of failing to deliver progress on global warming for a variety of reasons both structural and philosophical. The authors distributed their views at the annual meeting of the philanthropists who underwrite many of the groups they were attacking. The nastiness that followed was predictable - a certain notoriety for the authors and a great deal of defensive reaction from leaders of environmental organizations.
Now they've produced a book that develops the same argument in much greater depth. It is unremittingly interesting, sharp, and wide-ranging, and it provides a great deal of thoughtful comment for anyone trying to figure out how to rally public support behind action on climate change, or indeed behind any progressive change. It goes much deeper than George Lakoff's widely touted book on reframing issues, Don't Think of an Elephant. It also has certain important limitations that stem in part, I think, from the authors' background as survey researchers.
They work as managing directors of something called American Environics, an offshoot of a Canadian firm that conducts in-depth interviews with North Americans about their attitudes. Much of the research is used by businesses looking for market strategies, but Shellenberger and Nordhaus have put it to use for nonprofit groups as well. Their surveys study attitudes on topics like work, violence, gender, and class, and also on a wide variety of particular issues. They find, for example, that between 1992 and 2004, the percentage of Americans who agreed with the statement "The father of the family must be the master in his own house" went from 42 to 52 percent. But at the same time, the percentage who agreed that "taking care of the home and kids is as much a man's work as women's work" rose from 86 percent in 1992 to 89 percent in 2004. Their synthesis of this huge pile of data leads them to believe that Americans see themselves (as objectively they should) as materially affluent, so that efforts to persuade people to understand themselves (or others) as victims will fail. Americans have simultaneously become more insecure about health care, employment, and retirement, however, as wage growth has stagnated - resulting in an "insecure affluence" that they argue has usually led to more individualism, not to more community solidarity.
In this kind of atmosphere, they argue, progressives must break away from the scripts of the New Deal and the 1960s: "The time is ripe for the Democratic Party to embrace a new story about America, one focused more on aspiration than complaint, on assets than deficits, and on possibility than limits."
This would not be easy for the liberal wing of the party to accept, and both in their essay and in this book the authors spend plenty of time lampooning the efforts of those they view as anachronistic.
Nordhaus and Shellenberger mount a spirited attack, for instance, on Robert F. Kennedy Jr., a leading environmentalist - but also a leading opponent of developing wind turbines in Nantucket Sound. It's not just that he's a rich man who doesn't want to look at windmills off the deck of his summer home, they insist; for them, he's a telling reminder of the problems that arise "when one imagines that there is a thing called nature or the environment that is separate from and superior to humans, and that this "thing" is best represented by those who live nearest to it."
Environmentalists become, in this telling, champions of the static. Opponents of windmills such as Kennedy "end up functionally championing the continued dependence of Cape Cod and other Massachusetts communities on a nineteenth-century fuel source to heat their homes and generate electricity."
In the same way, other groups worried about views or noise or density "end up blocking the transformation of American communities into vibrant, creative, and high-density cities like New York that are far more sustainable and livable than endless megalopolises like Los Angeles."
Scornful of well-heeled environmentalists, they also attack advocates of "environmental justice" who have complained that their communities are the victims of disproportionate pollution. They contest the data, and argue that smoking and eating bad food are much bigger problems for minority communities. In dealing with asthma, for example, the authors, instead of concentrating on emissions from diesel buses, recommend working to improve "housing, health care, daycare, parenting classes, and violence prevention," which may actually do more to reduce the problem. Such reforms would deal more directly with the goals that residents of the inner city cited when questioned in the surveys of Nordhaus and Shellenberger: "jobs, crime, health care, housing." Over and over again, in a wide variety of settings, they make the same point: environmentalists have to take a much wider view of the world. If you don't want the rainforest in Brazil cut down, you need to be working in the favelas of São Paulo to prevent the conditions that cause people to migrate toward the Amazon in search of a better life.
This is an important point, marred by overstatement. Kennedy, for instance, is a strong supporter of environmental causes who made a bad call on the windmills near his house - and as Nordhaus and Shellenberger note, many environmentalists in the region have effectively organized to support the turbines, which seem likely to be built. Environmental organizers in urban neighborhoods have in fact already emerged as champions of precisely the kind of campaigns the authors encourage. Not ten miles from where they live, Van Jones, the former head of Oakland's Ella Baker Center for Human Rights, has launched the most tenacious drive yet for precisely the kind of Green Jobs campaign the authors envision. Their caricature of the environmental movement is increasingly out of date, and it will grow more so because of the simple fact that carbon dioxide, the main gas involved in global warming, is so different from older forms of pollution. Carbon monoxide - carbon with one oxygen atom - killed you when you breathed it in. If you put a filter on the back of your car, it disappears from the exhaust stream. There's no filter for carbon dioxide; it's the inevitable result of the combustion of fossil fuel. To deal with it, you need to deal with the dependence on fossil fuel, which means dealing with the economy as a whole, which means dealing with how we live.
The question becomes how best to do that. Citing their research that shows Americans are "aspirational," they advise against anything that smacks of limits. It's when economic growth is really booming, they insist, that we become confident enough to do things like control pollution. They summarize at some length Benjamin Friedman's powerful recent argument for economic expansion, The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth, with its conclusion that good times bring out empathy and generosity in Americans, and that in fact environmental progress has traditionally been a product of surplus - when we felt rich, we'd spend money on cleaning the air.
Unfortunately, at the moment growth means burning more fossil fuel. As Friedman acknowledged (though Nordhaus and Shellenberger don't include this crucial quote in their retelling), CO2 is "the one major environmental contaminant for which no study has ever found any indication of improvement as living standards rise." How can that fact be faced? How to have growth that Americans want, but without limits that they instinctively oppose, and still reduce carbon emissions? Their answer is: investments in new technology. Acknowledge that America "is great at imagining, experimenting, and inventing the future," and then start spending. They cite examples ranging from the nuclear weapons program to the invention of the Internet to show what government money can do, and argue that too many clean-energy advocates focus on caps instead: "Neither Democratic leaders in Congress nor Democratic presidential candidates can convincingly speak to American greatness as long as they refuse to put their money where their mouths are."
The need for new technology is obviously urgent - it's precisely what the IPCC economists are counting on in the data cited above. The question is how best to mobilize that investment. Some of it can and should come from government spending, but there's probably as much or more to be realized by setting the private sector to work. That is precisely what the series of caps on carbon now under consideration are supposed to do. If we say that next year American industry will only be able to produce 98 percent of the carbon it produced this year, and the year after that the number will be 95 percent and the year after that 91 percent, and if we let industries trade among themselves the carbon allotments they buy at auction - buying it, in effect, from we the people who each own some share of the atmosphere - then we should see the logic of the market start to wring those carbon reductions out of the economy relatively quickly. As The Economist makes clear, this system will work much better once it is international - once, that is, some expanded form of Kyoto is adopted by treaty, something that can't happen until the greatest carbon culprit, the US, leads by taking serious action here at home. Government can and should invest, especially to make sure that the energy transition produces the kind of jobs that many Americans really need, but its larger role is to set in place the caps that will speed the whole process. And speed is of the essence because, pace Lomborg, each new round of scientific analysis makes clear just how fast global warming is coming at us.
The antipathy of Shellenberger and Nordhaus to placing limits on carbon emissions, an antipathy based on their fervent belief in what they hear in their surveys, locks them into accepting slower progress than is necessary and possible. No one thinks we can stop global warming, but the IPCC data makes it clear that it is still possible - if we begin immediately and take dramatic steps to limit carbon emissions - to hold it below the thresholds that signal catastrophe. The authors concede too much to the enemies of regulation, a concession they're willing to make partly because they've convinced themselves that clinging to the static biological world we were born into is impossibly conservative. Global warming, they write, "will force human societies to adapt in all sorts of ways, not the least of which could be bioengineering ourselves and our environments to survive and thrive on an increasingly hot and potentially less hospitable planet."
This is improbable; indeed it sounds flaky.
But in the reams of analysis provided by Nordhaus and Shellenberger, there are also many kernels of hope for even faster progress than technology alone can provide. From their surveys, they find that Americans not only desire more choice and autonomy and individualism, but also want some kind of functioning community and support system (their analysis of the rise of evangelical churches is particularly strong).
The first group of attitudes, favoring individual choice, may make the acceptance of limits more difficult; but the second group holds out some real possibilities - and it jibes with much new research from economists, psychologists, and sociologists about the dissatisfaction evident among increasingly alienated and disconnected Americans. Consider the fact that the average Western European uses half as much energy as the average American (and hence produces half as much CO2). Half is a big proportion, especially when you consider that it comes not from any new technology but instead from somewhat different social arrangements. Europeans have decided to, say, invest in building cities that draw people in instead of flinging them out to sprawling suburbs, and invest in mass transit that people then actually take. This kind of investment may produce quicker returns than high-tech R&D; at the very least, it's urgently important that these kinds of societies (where reported rates of human satisfaction are sharply higher than in the US) be held up to China, India, and the rest of the developing world, in place of our careening model. In addition, given that we will certainly be facing a disrupted planet, tighter human communities are probably a better bet for "surviving and thriving" than bioengineering to achieve different kinds of bodies.
After grappling with these weighty treatises, it's a relief to read two short books that cover less ground. Kerry Emanuel is the foremost hurricane scientist in the US; his original research has helped us understand and demonstrate the link between global warming and storminess. In an epic feat of concision, he manages in eighty-five very small pages to explain the state of the science of climate change, concluding on the optimistic note that "the extremists [who deprecate the threat of climate change] are being exposed and relegated to the sidelines, and when the media stop amplifying their views, their political counterparts will have nothing left to stand on."
In the best essay from the collection edited by Joseph DiMento and Pamela Doughman, the New York Times climate reporter Andrew Revkin makes it clear that finally (and no small part thanks to his own reports) the press and television are starting to do exactly that. One of the most important jobs of journalists at the moment, he writes, is "to drive home that once a core body of understanding has accumulated over decades on an issue - as is the case with human-forced climate change - society can use it as a foundation for policies and choices."
Indeed.
Bill McKibben is the author of 10 books, most recently Deep Economy: The Wealth of Communities and the Durable Future. He is a scholar in residence at Middlebury College in Vermont.
© 2007 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at:
http://www.alternet.org/story/64645/
Clarín:
"En Chile no hay buenos escritores"
ENTREVISTA A GERMAN MARIN
Envuelto en su propia leyenda -tiene fama de provocador-, el chileno Germán Marín habla de su libro reciente "Basuras de Shanghai", del exilio y de los escritores. Desmitifica a Bolaño, tilda de comercial a Allende y opina que Neruda pertenece al pasado.
ALBERTO GONZALEZ TORO
06.10.2007 | Clarin.com | Revista Ñ
Se lo ha tildado de "escritor maldito". Tiene fama de irascible, de provocador. Pero a simple vista, parece sólo fama. A sus 73 años, el escritor chileno Germán Marín es un hombre tranquilo, muy educado, que luce un grueso bigote canoso, que habla en voz muy grave pero baja, producto de los interminables cigarrillos que aún fuma con delectación. La editorial Sudamericana acaba de editar en la Argentina su último libro, Basuras de Shanghai, en el que mezcla el cuento, el relato breve, la crónica y el ensayo. Es un libro escrito con un estilo terso, casi transparente, que radiografía a un hombre que elabora sus obras con la paciencia de un orfebre. Entre sus relatos se destaca el cuento La princesa del Babilonia, un notable homenaje al habla popular chilena en la voz de una prostituta de un burdel del puerto de San Antonio en los inicios de la dictadura pinochetista.
- "Basuras de Shanghai" habla sobre la memoria, y un aire entre melancólico y triste campea en todas sus líneas. Hasta en sus "Agradecimientos", aunque aquí hay un tono esperanzador.
- Se trata de una memoria personal, subjetiva. Aparentemente, la melancolía puede resultar una elección individualista y hasta egoísta, pero también la melancolía puede tener una visión totalizante de la realidad, mucho más fuerte que otros sentimientos. Al decir melancolía uno está apretando una serie de teclas que podrían ser, qué sé yo, la cultura popular, el yo en sus tribulaciones, las canciones, los políticos, las frases de la época, la vestimenta, los olores. Porque las épocas también tienen olores propios. Yo echo de menos ciertos olores que tenía Buenos Aires. En un viaje que hice dos meses atrás, tenía unas enormes ganas de andar en subte. Echaba de menos un olor, y entré al que está en Corrientes y Florida. Quería llegar hasta Chacarita, y desde allí tomar el 111, que era el colectivo que yo tomaba antiguamente para ir hasta el barrio de Villa Urquiza. Ese era el trayecto un poco proustiano del viaje, melancólico, que yo quería hacer. Me extrañó muchísimo: el subte había cambiado de olor. Ahí está la verdadera identidad que tiene la memoria.
- Usted es un autor tardío. ¿Recuerda sus comienzos en la literatura?
- Unos pocos meses antes del golpe de Pinochet, publiqué mi primer libro, Fuegos artificiales. Era una novela sobre un adolescente. Pero el régimen la prohibió enseguida. No creo que haya sido por el contenido: a los militares les molestaba el hombre que la había escrito. Yo resultaba para la dictadura una especie de agente ideológico de la subversión. Había colaborado en la revista Punto Final, órgano del Movimiento Izquierda Revolucionario, y en otra revista, Chile Hoy, que defendía a la Unidad Popular de Salvador Allende. No fui perseguido en primera instancia, pero yo sabía que no podía quedarme en Chile. Así que partí al exilio a los tres meses del golpe.
- ¿Qué edad tenía cuando publicó "Fuegos artificiales"?
- Treinta y tantos años, era un nene. Entonces yo tenía algunos antecedentes culturales: había hecho una revista junto con Enrique Lihn, que fue editada por la Editorial Universitaria, e hice crítica literaria en Punto Final. Pero como narrador era un desconocido. Ya le dije que tres meses después del golpe partí al exilio. Junto a mi mujer y mis dos hijos, nos fuimos a México, después a Cuba, y finalmente a Buenos Aires, pero con mal ojo pues en esos momentos estaba la María Estela y la Triple A comenzaba sus asesinatos, entre ellos el del general Carlos Prats y su esposa. Entonces volvimos a México. Y allí nos quedamos cerca de dos años. Entonces miramos para España. Ya había muerto Franco, estaba Adolfo Suárez, y se abría un camino democrático. Nos fuimos directamente a Barcelona. Tuve la suerte de entrar rápidamente a trabajar en la editorial Labor; allí estuve alrededor de 14 años.
- ¿En Barcelona volvió a escribir ficción?
- No, el trabajo me absorbía muchas horas y aún no sabía para dónde iba mi vida. Hasta que hubo un momento de revelación: me di cuenta que quería escribir una historia que partía de mi familia. Mi abuelo había sido obrero de la construcción en Génova, y mi abuela era hija de campesinos. Ellos se conocieron acá, en Buenos Aires, donde se casaron. Ahí me empecé a dar cuenta de que estaba el origen de algo: el origen mío. Por el lado paterno, en cambio, mis ancestros eran de extracción aristocrática. Coincidió este momento con que la editorial Labor, en la que trabajaba, cambió de dueños. Los nuevos dijeron: "Qué hace este chilenito acá: fuera". Me indemnizaron y estuve como tres años sin trabajar. Y ahí empecé a darle a la literatura. Después escribí una trilogía. La novela Círculo vicioso, que tuvo mucho éxito de crítica. Después vino otra, Las cien águilas, y la tercera es La ola muerta, que publiqué hace dos años. Me lleva mucho tiempo escribir. Soy lento e inseguro, pero esto al final me da una cierta seguridad sobre lo que estoy haciendo. No tengo ningún proyecto de hacer literatura como un ejercicio mercantil.
- ¿Está trabajando en una nueva novela?
- Estoy preparando una sobre Patria y Libertad (N. de la R: una organización fascista que inició la desestabilización del gobierno de la Unidad Popular), que para mí es muy importante. Tiene origen en el cuento, Mi primo Miguel, que apareció en mi libro, Conversaciones para solitarios.
- ¿En el Chile de hoy, hay memoria del pasado? ¿Se tiene conciencia de lo terrible que fue la dictadura de Pinochet?
- Yo diría que sí, pero no sé hasta qué punto esta memoria ya empieza a ser una memoria institucional que poco tiene que ver con la memoria fidedigna y personal de mucha gente. Esta memoria se está convirtiendo en un elemento retórico. Hay militares presos, pero presos en hoteles de cinco estrellas, con canchas de tenis y piscinas. Parece un chiste.
-¿Hay buenos escritores en Chile?
- No tengo buena impresión de la mayoría de ellos.
- ¿Y de Roberto Bolaño?
- El peligro de Bolaño es que, entre los escritores chilenos y los medios, lo conviertan en una figura casi religiosa. Bolaño es menos que eso y mucho más. A los escritores no hay que sacralizarlos. En Chile existe un culto a Bolaño, lo digo sin desmerecer sus valores.
- ¿Isabel Allende?
- Es un producto comercial. La culpa no es de ella. La culpa es de esa masa de lectores que la consumen, que con eso cumplen con la cuota de literatura que quieren consumir.
- ¿Cuál es la vigencia de Pablo Neruda en Chile? ¿El también ha sido sacralizado?
- Neruda ya empieza a ser una figura del pasado. Desde el punto de vista de su propia literatura, y desde el punto de vista de la retórica poética.Y quizás el que le pegó un tremendo empujón para enterrarlo ya definitivamente sea Nicanor Parra. Pero siento que Parra también va a ser del panteón. La poesía es muy rica en Chile, muy trascendente, y lo que hoy es, mañana deja de serlo porque es trascendido por nuevas figuras, nuevas retóricas.
- ¿Por qué Chile ha tenido mejores poetas que la Argentina?
- Para mí es un misterio. Pero la Argentina ha tenido grandes poetas también. Fijate en Carlos Mastronardi, un poco hundido por la presencia de Borges, que hundió a muchos. El propio Alberto Aguirre es un gran poeta. Yo recuerdo a uno muy bueno, nacido en Mendoza, del que siempre hablábamos en Santiago hace años, Jorge Enrique Ramponi, autor de un libro excelente, La piedra infinita. Tuvo una influencia muy fuerte sobre Neruda.
- ¿Puede nombrar a tres narradores argentinos que le gusten mucho?
- Si te digo que me gusta Piglia, estoy repitiendo un lugar común. A mí me gustaría rescatar a algunos jóvenes del pasado, como Germán Rozenmacher, un escritor totalmente olvidado. Bueno como cuentista, bueno como dramaturgo, un tipo inteligente. Siento, además, una profunda admiración por David Viñas, con ese realismo crítico que inaugura en las letras argentinas con novelas como Cayó sobre su rostro, Hombres de a caballo...
- ¿No lo nombra a Borges?
- Desde luego. Pero si nos ponemos a hablar de Borges, por qué no hacerlo de sus antecesores. La propia prosa de Lugones nos ayuda un poco para entender a Borges y sus temas.
Copyright 1996-2007 Clarín.com - All rights reserved
http://www.clarin.com/suplementos/cultura/2007/10/06/u-02011.htm
Guardian:
Killer law
Last November it became a crime for a woman to have an abortion in Nicaragua, even if her life was in mortal danger. So far it has resulted in the death of at least 82 women. Rory Carroll reports on the fight to have the law changed
Rory Carroll
Monday October 8, 2007
María de Jesús González was a practical woman. A very poor single mother, the 28-year-old's home was a shack on a mountain near the town of Ocotal in Nicaragua. She made the best of it. The shack was spotless, the children scrubbed. She earned money by washing clothes in the river and making and selling tortillas.
That nowast quite enough to feed her four young children and her elderly mother, so every few months González caught a bus to Managua, the capital, and slaved for a week washing and ironing clothes. The pay was three times better, about £2.60 a day, and by staying with two aunts she cut her costs. She would return to her hamlet with a little nest-egg in her purse. She bought herself one treat - a pair of red shoes - but she would leave them with her family in Managua, as they were no good on the mountain trails she had to go up to get home.
During a visit to Managua in February she felt unwell and visited a hospital. The news was devastating. She was pregnant - and it was ectopic, meaning the foetus was growing outside the womb and not viable. The longer González remained pregnant, the greater the risk of rupture, haemorrhaging and death.
What González did next was - when you understand what life in Nicaragua is like these days - utterly rational. She walked out of the hospital, past the obstetrics and gynaecological ward, past the clinics and pharmacies lining the avenues, packed her bag, kissed her aunts goodbye, and caught a bus back to her village. She summoned two neighbouring women - traditional healers - and requested that they terminate the pregnancy in her shack. Without anaesthetic or proper instruments it was more akin to mutilation than surgery, but González insisted. The haemhorraging was intense, and the agony can only be imagined. It was in vain. Maria died. "We heard there was a lot of blood, a lot of pain," says Esperanza Zeledon, 52, one of the Managua aunts.
González was not stupid and did not want to die. She knew her chance of surviving the butchery was small. But being a practical woman, she recognised it was her only chance, and took it. The story of why it was her only chance is an unfolding drama of religion, politics and power that has made Nicaragua a crucible in the global battle over abortion rights. This central American country has become the third country in the world, after Chile and El Salvador, to criminalise all abortions. It is a blanket ban. There are no exceptions for rape, incest, or life- or health-threatening pregnancies.
González was told at the hospital that any doctor who terminated her pregnancy would face two to three years in jail and she, for consenting, would face one to two years. "Nicaraguan doctors are now afraid of going to trial or jail and losing their licence," says Leonel Arguello, president of the Nicaraguan Society of General Medicine. "Many are thinking that instead of taking the risk, it is better to let a woman die."
For the Nicaraguan rich, a problematic pregnancy need not be a death sentence. You can fly to Miami or bribe a discreet private clinic in Managua. But in this wretchedly poor country most young women do not have money. Their choice is to go through with a pregnancy that may kill them, or attempt a DIY termination that may kill them.
As a result of the blanket ban enacted last November at least 82 women have died, according to advocacy groups. "This new law intentionally denies women access to health services essential to saving their lives, and is thus inconsistent with Nicaragua's obligations under international human rights law," says Human Rights Watch.
Nicaragua is famous for its misfortunes: the Somoza dictatorship, the civil war, the impoverishment, the natural disasters. Pro-choice groups say article 143 of the new penal code should be added to that list since it bucks the international trend towards greater abortion access and drags women back to the dark ages.
The anti-abortion camp, in contrast, is euphoric. The new law, it says, is a beacon in the fight to protect the unborn. It is time to celebrate. "Now it is all penalised. And Catholics agree that is should be this way," says Roberto González, 50, a Franciscan priest in Managua. "The population sees the church as behind the law - behind the pressure that succeeded in getting the government to change the law."
Abortion has long been illegal in Nicaragua but there had been exceptions for "therapeutic" reasons if three doctors agreed there was a risk to the woman's life. Those exceptions were no longer necessary, said the Nicaraguan Pro-Life Association, because medical advances obviated the need to terminate pregnancies. "The conditions that justified therapeutic abortion now have medical solutions," says a spokesman. Pope Benedict XVI welcomed the ban but added that women should not suffer or die as a result. "In this regard, it is essential to increase the assistance of the state and of society itself to women who have serious problems during pregnancy."
Nicaragua provides no answer to the debate about when, between conception and birth, life begins. But in the case of González it is clear when it ended: at 28 years. According to Zeledon, the doctors left González with few illusions. "When she came back from the hospital she was very upset. They said they couldn't help her. She knew what this meant: I think she knew she was going to die." Her children have been taken into care and her mother now lives alone. The only mementos of González's visits to her aunts in Managua are some clothes and the red shoes.
No one knows how many other women have died, or are going to die, as a result of the law. The Pope seemed to acknowledge an increased risk to women's health but Nicaragua's government has made no formal study of the law's impact. Women's rights organisations say their 82 documented deaths are the tip of the iceberg. The Pan-American Health Organisation estimates one woman per day suffers from an ectopic pregnancy, and that every two days a woman suffers a miscarriage from a molar pregnancy. That adds up to hundreds of obstetric emergencies per year.
Human Rights Watch, in a recent report titled Over Their Dead Bodies, cited one woman who urgently needed medical help, but was left untreated at a public hospital for two days because the foetus was still alive and so a therapeutic abortion would be illegal. Eventually she expelled the foetus on her own. "By then she was already in septic shock and died five days later," said the doctor.
Another woman, named Mariana, said she obtained a clandestine abortion because her pregnancy aggravated a permanent health condition. "I was very afraid. It was very traumatic not to be able to talk about it, because it is a crime. The abortion saved both me and the two children I already have." The report said the potentially most harmful impact was that girls and women were afraid of seeking treatment for pregnancy-related complications, especially haemorrhaging, in case they were accused of having induced an abortion.
Doctors say they have been put in an impossible position. "We face extremely grave ethical conflicts, all because of politics," says Carla Serrato, a gynaecologist from Nicaragua's state-run Alemán Nicaragüense Hospital. Ligia Altamirano Gómez, an obstetrician, says they fear being overruled by the law. "We are pushed toward illegality."
In an attempt to clarify matters, the health ministry issued protocols last December that said doctors should respond to most obstetric emergencies, including ectopic pregnancies and post-abortion care. To terminate an ectopic pregnancy is legal, it turns out, because since the foetus is not in the womb the procedure would not be an abortion. But such is the climate of fear and confusion that the protocols are widely ignored and misunderstood. The doctors who turned González away from the hospital in Managua thought it was illegal, as did medical staff the Guardian interviewed in Ocotal, González's home town.
"The ban has people frightened. You could lose everything - that's the first thing on your mind," says Dr Arguello, a leading critic of the ban. So far there have been no prosecutions but many doctors are unwilling to take the risk on behalf of women who are often poor, uneducated and from a lower social class.
It is a grim irony that this is happening under a Sandinista government - a movement whose ranks once included advocates for feminism and abortion rights. That was in the 1980s, when the Sandinistas were secular marxists, wore combat fatigues and fought a bloody civil war against US-backed Contra rebels. Things changed. The war ended and the Sandinista leader, Daniel Ortega, lost the presidency in a 1990 election. Church and state were supposedly separate but clerics wielded political clout, none more so than Cardinal Miguel Obando y Bravo. His hostility sank Ortega's attempted comebacks in 1996 and 2001 elections.
In the run-up to last November's election, the cardinal spearheaded a campaign for a blanket abortion ban. Ortega, desperate to regain power, mobilised the Sandinistas behind the cardinal's campaign and helped get the ban enacted just days before the poll. The former revolutionary, now reinvented as a devout Catholic, was rewarded with the presidency.
Ortega, who did not respond to interview requests for this article, has stayed pious in power. Last month he whipped Sandinista assembly deputies into voting with rightwing parties 66-3 to uphold the ban. Many former officials are disgusted with a leader and party they no longer recognise. "It's cynical and it's sad, especially when you consider our high rate of sexual violence and very young mothers," says Moisés Arana, a former mayor of Bluefields. "Here there is a lot of religiosity but only a little Christianity."
The Sandinistas may have changed but Nicaragua's revolutionary heritage has left it with some of Central America's most outspoken feminists. That their former comrades-in-arms are the agents of conservative oppression, as they see it, has them breathing fire. "This is wrong, all wrong. And we are going to fight it all the way," says Ana María Pizarro, a doctor and leading activist. Earlier this month feminists interrupted mass in Managua's metropolitan cathedral to protest against the ban.
The legal strategy is to ask the supreme court to declare the law unconstitutional - while fully expecting to lose since it is stacked with government supporters - to clear the way for a campaign involving the UN and international courts of human rights. They expect to get a sympathetic hearing in Europe, not least at an abortion conference in London later this month organised by Marie Stopes. There are likely to be calls for donor countries such as Britain, Spain and Denmark to threaten to cut aid to Nicaragua. So far there has been so sign of that.
The campaign's problem is that at home it is politically outgunned and unpopular. Lobbying for abortion rights, however limited, is a hard sell to a population largely deferential to the pulpit. The taboo is especially strong in rural areas. Edith Morales, an extrovert mother of two in Sahsa on the Miskito coast, is loud and proud when discussing indigenous rights and her impoverished community's needs. But when discussing the termination of an ectopic pregnancy she had 15 years ago, an act that probably saved her life, she lowers her voice, as if it was something shameful. "People here are very conservative," she explains. Asked if she supports the ban on therapeutic abortions, she shakes her head, and murmurs no.
At the other end of the country, in Bluefields, Inspector Martylee Ingram has the same, almost apologetic tone. She is discussing the harrowing case of an 11-year-old girl, Vera, who has been raped and is now 27 weeks pregnant. Asked if Vera should have the baby, she hesitates. The law says yes and her job is to enforce the law. The inspector shakes her head. "But me, as a woman and policewoman, I'd say no. I feel like she shouldn't have it. It's a baby having a baby. She might not survive."
Last month an assembly vote on whether to uphold the law was an emotional and boisterous affair with dozens of girls and women in the public gallery chanting in protest. Separated by just a sheet of glass, the two sides were a study in contrasts. One comprised mostly elderly men in suits, some of whom opened their speeches by saying "I am a Catholic". The other comprised mostly young women in jeans and T-shirts. "Shame, shame, shame on you all," shouted one teenager. "Daniel Ortega is a rapist," shouted another, a reference to allegations the politican raped his stepdaughter. (He was acquitted of all charges.)
Among the police officers keeping an eye on the protesters was a twentysomething woman with a slight bump beneath her blue uniform. She was four months pregnant and anxious, it turned out, because she had been diagnosed with toxic plasmosis, a bacterium that enters the bloodstream during pregnancy and can gravely damage the foetus. She watched the votes stack up in favour of the blanket ban and shook her head, but said nothing.
A crime in one country, a right in another: the different laws on abortion around the world
Women who become pregnant after being raped, or whose lives are endangered by their pregnancy, are banned from having abortions in just three countries around the world: Nicaragua, Chile and El Salvador. These countries refuse to take into account a woman's age or her ability to care for a child and will prosecute any woman who has an abortion.
In 2006, a UN committee report stated that one of the main causes of maternal mortality in Chile was women turning to illegal abortions and asked the government to stop imprisoning women who sought them.
According to the US-based Centre for Reproductive Rights, currently 26% of the world's population live in the 69 countries that ban abortion. However, 34 of these countries, including Ireland and the United Arab Emirates, make exceptions when a mother's life would be at risk, and 32 countries allow their laws to be interpreted to mean abortion is allowed in these circumstances, including Iran.
Countries such as Rwanda and Morocco allow a woman to end her pregnancy if her physical health is threatened, with some of the 34 countries in this category saying the threat could be serious or permanent.
Malaysia and New Zealand, along with 21 other countries, specifically allow abortion to protect a woman's mental health, and this can be interpreted to include the psychological distress suffered by a woman who is raped or the strain of economic circumstances.
Women can cite socio-economic reasons for an abortion in the UK, India and Luxemburg as well as 13 other countries, while in the 56 countries that are home to 39.3% of the population of the world, there are no restrictions on the reasons given to terminate a pregnancy.
Homa Khaleeli
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian News and Media Limited 2007
http://www.guardian.co.uk/g2/story/0,,2185811,00.html
Jeune Afrique: Au Nord-Kivu,
les insurgés menacent de lancer une vaste offensive
RD CONGO - 7 octobre 2007 - par AFP
Soldats loyalistes et insurgés ralliés à l'ex-général Laurent Nkunda s'affrontaient dimanche pour la deuxième journée consécutive au Nord-Kivu, province de l'est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC) où les insurgés menacent de lancer une vaste offensive.
"Les affrontements se poursuivent ce matin (dimanche)" dans des collines proches de la frontière rwandaise situées à environ 25 km au nord de la capitale provinciale Goma, a déclaré à l'AFP le colonel Michel Tokolonga, officier de la 9e brigade des Forces armées de RDC (FARDC), joint sur le front de Bukima.
"Les insurgés avaient l'intention de venir s'emparer de (...) Bukima. Ils ont subi de lourdes pertes hier", a-t-il ajouté, précisant que les combats se déplaçaient vers Kokwe, sur une colline située à l'est de Bukima.
Samedi, un autre officier joint sur le front avait déclaré à l'AFP avoir dénombré "38 morts du côté des insurgés" et plusieurs blessés parmi les FARDC. Ce bilan n'a pu être confirmé par les autorités militaires du Nord-Kivu.
De son côté, le porte-parole du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP, mouvement politico-militaire de Nkunda), René Abandi, a affirmé que les FARDC étaient à la mi-journée "en train de pilonner la colline de Kokwe", mais ne progressaient pas.
Un autre proche de l'ex-général, le "général" Bwambale Kakolele, a déclaré à l'AFP que les troupes insurgées étaient sur le point de lancer une "offensive" contre les positions loyalistes à travers la province.
"Nous avons attendu longtemps l'ouverture d'un dialogue avec le gouvernement de Kinshasa, mais on nous combat toujours", a expliqué l'officier, se présentant comme "le ministre de la Défense" du CNDP.
Il a affirmé que les FARDC avaient attaqué samedi les positions nkundistes près de Bukima et ne cessaient de "lancer des roquettes sur (leurs) positions (...) du côté de Rubaya, Karuba et Ngungu", localités du territoire de Masisi situées à entre 40 et 50 km à l'ouest de Goma.
Le porte-parole militaire de la Mission de l'ONU en RDC (Monuc) au Nord-Kivu a confirmé à l'AFP la reprise d'affrontements dans le secteur de Bukima et a aussi signalé des échanges de tirs "dans un village situé à 4 km de Karuba".
"Une patrouille FARDC est tombée hier dans une embuscade tendue par des hommes (du colonel Sultani) Makenga (un fidèle de Nkunda) à Bukima. Les soldats ralliés à Nkunda ont affirmé que les FARDC pillaient les populations, une allégation démentie par les FARDC", a déclaré le major indien Prem Tiwari.
Des accrochages quasi-quotidiens opposent les FARDC et les troupes insurgées depuis la fin septembre, après la rupture d'une trêve de 18 jours instaurée sous forte pression de la Monuc, après dix jours de combats sur plusieurs fronts dans la région.
Kinshasa a appelé les dissidents et les miliciens de groupes armés locaux à rejoindre le processus national de réforme de l'armée, se refusant à toute négociation avec Nkunda.
Ce dernier continue à demander un dialogue, tout en accusant les FARDC de pactiser sur le terrain avec des rebelles hutus rwandais, stationnés depuis 13 ans dans l'est congolais et accusés par Kigali d'avoir activement participé au génocide rwandais de 1994, essentiellement dirigé contre la minorité tutsie.
FARDC et nkundistes se renvoient systématiquement la responsabilité du déclenchement des hostilités, qui ont entraîné le déplacement de 370.000 civils depuis décembre 2006 au Nord-Kivu, selon l'ONU.
http://www.jeuneafrique.com/jeune_afrique/article_
depeche.asp?art_cle=AFP32357aunorevisne0
Mail & Guardian:
Prosperity, identity, democracy
Bobby Godsell: POLOKWANE BRIEFING
07 October 2007
The December national conference of the ANC is an event of central significance for all South Africans. The ANC played the leading role in South Africa’s transition to democracy and has been the massively dominant player in our first decade of freedom. Conference delegates will therefore be making decisions that touch and indeed shape the lives of the nearly 50-million citizens of our country.
While much speculation has understandably been focused on which individuals will be elected to key leadership positions, this citizen is much more interested in what the conference will say and do about how our country is to be governed. I am even more interested in the vision that emerges of the South Africa the ANC wants to build in this second decade of freedom. In particular three aspects of that vision interest me. These relate to prosperity, identity and the quality of our democracy.
The years since 1994 have seen dramatic and impressive improvements in the state of the South African economy. Our new democracy inherited a fortress economy on the verge of bankruptcy, in which the interest on national debt continued to rise each year, displacing all other spending priorities. High inflation, negative foreign reserves, a rapidly weakening exchange rate and an economy that was essentially ex-growth was the legacy. All this has changed in a way that should certainly qualify the economic management team for a global best-in-class award.
Impressive progress has also been made in extending basic services such as water, electricity, schooling and healthcare to millions previously existing on the periphery of our society. About 11-million people receive a social grant of one form or another, making South Africa’s social support system one of the most comprehensive among developing countries.
That said, problems of both poverty and inequality exist and demand the nation’s urgent and effective attention. The challenge for the next decade must be to translate sustained high levels of economic growth into increasing levels of productive employment.
If we are to meet the Millennium Development Goals set for 2014, we need to add about five million jobs, as well as address the issue of the working poor. In the tough and unsentimental global markets in which South Africa’s very open economy must compete, most of our industries need to up their game, both to win and retain export markets, and to compete effectively against foreign participants in our domestic markets.
With regard to social services the critical challenge we face is about quality. Most children are in school. But what is the quality of their learning? Most citizens do have access to healthcare. But how effective is that healthcare? Intense challenges must be addressed in all aspects of our criminal justice system if we are to reduce the very real level of fear in which most South Africans conduct their daily lives.
None of these challenges can be met by government alone, even a government with the best possible policies and effective implementation.
All these critical challenges require a partnership between government, other actors in civil society and, crucially, the constructive activity of citizens themselves. These partnerships in turn require both some measure of shared goals and significant levels of mutual trust. This alone will achieve the increased levels of prosperity that will make a better life for all South Africans a reality rather than a dream.
South Africa is in the very early stages of constructing a nation out of our fragmented and often bitter past. Central to this is the creation of a national identity that unites the subsets of South Africans.
Here, too, important progress has already been made and a promising foundation laid. Our national anthem consists of four of our national languages, and two important pieces of our musical heritage. More and more South Africans are able to sing all four stanzas. Our flag has captured the emotional loyalty of the vast majority of our people.
We still have a way to go. Our history indicates clearly that a good future will be the result of both unity and cooperation between all the peoples of our country - all who live here and who want to live here.
Perhaps we need to develop a “pledge of allegiance” similar to that recited by all American school children at the start of each school day. The preamble to our Constitution provides good words. We need to encourage all South Africans to live the language of inclusive patriotism: in this regard “African” cannot be a synonym for “black”.
Language is a critical tool in building a national identity. English will continue to be the lingua franca for much of our daily lives. However, vital and resourceful parts of our culture will continue to use the currency of what we often refer to as “vernacular” languages, which clearly include Afrikaans. In this regard we need a national project to encourage South African citizens to become multilingual. South Africans have a campaign culture. Can we not create a movement that encourages all South Africans to learn, at least to the degree of some conversational ability, a second language? This will be a particular challenge to English-language mother-tongue speakers. Their efforts will be well rewarded by the quality of their social interaction and they will quite literally define the parameters of a shared national identity.
The story of South African politics so far is the contest between the obviously desirable goal of greater national unity and the seduction of mobilising political power around sectional appeals. The way in which the delegates at Polokwane choose between these competing forces will have consequences for all South Africans.
What will the ANC conference do about the state of our democracy?
Here it seems two distinct challenges exist. What will be the quality of the internal debate within ANC structures? And how does the ANC see its role in the broader society?
On the first two, divergent trends are apparent. Over the course of this year very serious attempts have been made to offer the ANC, and the nation that it serves, serious debate. Policy documents have been made public which address all of the issues above, and more. ANC members and formations have been invited to engage with the critical issues in a spirit of free and real debate.
The contrasting trend, however, has also been evident. This has subsumed debate in the quest for power. Here what individual ANC members believed about the issues has become secondary to who they will support in election races. This is an inevitable tension in any political movement. The way in which it is resolved, though, shapes not only who gets power, but how those empowered use power.
The ANC was created as a parliament of the African people of South Africa. Today it also serves as the largest party in the Parliament.
Our Constitution sets out to build democratic institutions that have legitimacy and life beyond that of individual political movements.
Every member of Parliament, from whatever party, is part of this construction project. Democratic institutions have little real life outside the political culture that creates (and sometimes destroys) them.
We urgently need a culture that seeks and respects the robust contestation of ideas. No individual and no organisation has a monopoly on truth. Those who shut down debate with crude appeals to party or sectional loyalty do our Constitution, and the spirit of 1994, no favours.
Equally, debate and discourse can only thrive in an atmosphere of mutual respect. Opposition parties need to acknowledge the electoral support enjoyed by the ANC. They also need to treat the offices of our government with respect. It is their patriotic duty so to do. The ANC in turn needs to accept the decision of voters to elect representatives from organisations other than themselves. They need to treat opposition parties as part of the national and democratic project, who can and will make a contribution to building a better future. The recent respectful and constructive meeting between the South African president and the leader of the opposition is an encouraging start.
Bobby Godsell is recently retired CEO of AngloGold Ashanti
http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=321163&area=/
insight/insight__comment_and_analysis/
New Statesman:
Desert sounds
The Bedouin Jerry Can Band, raucous rock stars of the Sinai, are on a mission to share their extraordinary music with the outside world.
Rachel Aspden
Published 04 October 2007
As the sun sinks over an expanse of grimy sand and desert scrub, a group of Bedouin squat patiently around a wood fire. Pick-up trucks and battered cars roar past on the Sinai coastal highway behind them, hurrying to the nearby town of al-Arish to break the Ramadan fast. The smell of roasting meat drifts up from a breeze-block shelter below, the sun finally slips below the horizon, and after a date and a sip of water the men hurry off to pray, throwing their chequered headcloths on the sand as prayer rugs. A table-sized dish piled with rice, bread and hunks of roast chicken arrives, spoons are considered and cast aside, and everyone digs in with their hands. For the next several minutes, the only sounds are of contented chewing.
The silence is uncharacteristic; this is dinner with the Bedouin Jerry Can Band, the raucous, boisterous rock stars of the Sinai Desert. But, as the menu suggests, they have few of the trappings - record deals, publicists, stylists, pro motional tours - of their pampered western counterparts. Their hits are centuries-old songs and poems; their audiences fellow Bedouin and local people; their venues desert encampments or rooms in oasis towns. Their home-made instruments are most extraordinary of all - the simsimiyya, an ancient Egyptian five-stringed lyre, the rebaba, a wood-and-wolfskin single-stringed fiddle, the maghrouna, a double pipe, the ney, a desert flute, and an idiosyncratic array of percussion - tablas, clay jugs, an ammunition box and the eponymous jerrycans, petrol containers scavenged from the war debris that litters the North Sinai Desert.
Unlike the more famous Touareg desert band Tinariwen, the Jerry Can Band have made few concessions to western sensibilities. This is no guitar-led "desert blues" influenced by Hendrix or Robert Plant, but a harder-edged sound deeply rooted in its environment. "To understand our music, you have to understand this place," says the lead singer, Goma Ghanaeim, as he hands out tiny glasses of sweet tea made over the fire. "Even our instruments are made from desert materials."
"The Bedouin are like fish, and this desert is our water - we can't live outside it," explains Ayman Hassane, the slight, clever-faced jerrycan percussionist. "But we don't want to be isolated. Here in Sinai we live at a crossroads, and we need to share our culture." The band's first album, Coffee Time (a reference to the grinding and drinking ritual that is at the heart of all Bedouin gatherings), is an attempt to do that, as is their first international show in London this month, part of the Barbican's "Ramadan Nights" season.
Hassane is right; the triangle of land that the Jerry Can Band crisscross to play at summer weddings, tend livestock or visit their fellow Suwarka tribespeople in the desert has a fraught history. Successively controlled by the Ottoman empire, Britain and Egypt, the desert is still scarred from the Egyptian-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973 and a 15-year Israeli occupation that ended in 1982. The band's rusted jerrycans and ammunition boxes - some still with their Hebrew labelling - are reminders of a time many of the Suwarka were forced into exile in the Delta towns of mainland Egypt. "Our sheikh Ayeed Abu Gerir even died there," says Ghanaeim, "and we still visit his tomb every year."
But the band insist their choice of percussion is not a political statement. "The jerkans [jerry cans] were there, and we just found they sound good," says Hassane in a matter-of-fact way. Indeed, the Sinai Bedouin, who have relations in the deserts of Israel and Jordan, hold themselves slightly aloof from national conflicts. They have a mistrustful relationship with the Egyptian central government, which suspects them of running guns to and from Gaza, smuggling hash from Israel and Lebanon and, most recently, of having had a hand in the bombings of beach resorts in Taba, Ras Shaitan and Sharm el-Sheikh. In the subsequent crackdown, hundreds of Bed ouin and their families were rounded up, beaten and imprisoned. As we pile into a car to visit the rest of the band in al-Arish, Ghanaeim says that the situation has improved. "Now, the government are worried about unrest," he explains, "and they've told the police to be polite to us." As the packed car inches towards a roadblock on the outskirts of al-Arish, the young policemen assiduously greet us with a courteous "salaam aleikum". Everyone replies with exaggerated gravity, then giggles as we drive away.
Ten minutes later, we are installed at the band's favourite street cafe in a sandy alley. Suddenly, everyone is talking all at once, mobile phones chirp 15 different ringtones, two more musicians ride right up to the table on a battered motorbike, a mustachioed history professor from Suez Canal University is summoned "for the intellectual questions", and waiters weave in and out of the throng bearing shisha pipes and rounds of tea, Turkish coffee and herbal drinks. The (male) camaraderie is overwhelming: there are shouted disagreements, roars of bronchial laughter, and much palm-slapping, hugging and even Bedouin nose-kissing. I realise that the ebullient sound of Coffee Time is an echo of the sheer excitable pleasure the band take in each other's company.
When the noise dies down a little, I suggest that the siren call of modernity - mobile phones, satellite television, education, urbanisation, imported pop from the Gulf - threatens Sinai's traditional music. A clamour of wounded disagreement erupts. The professor shouts above it all, banging on the table. "[The medieval Arab philosopher] Ibn Khaldun said the Bedouin is the mother of civilisation. We will never leave these traditions."
"This is why we prefer to play live," explains the maghrouna player Medhat el-Issawy more calmly. "The music is tied in to all of our customs - like coffee-grinding and hospitality - and when we perform we can try to convey all of these things together." I ask them if they listen to western music and if they would ever, like Tina riwen, exchange their simsimiyyas for guitars. The answer is a disgusted group tut, Egyptian for "never". "Why would we?" asks Ghanaeim. "People want to hear our own songs, on our own instruments, and we want to play them."
The endearing chauvinism is the band's own, but it suits their manager, Zakaria Ibrahim, perfectly. Ibrahim, a musician and founder of the Mastaba Centre for Folk Music in Cairo, has spent the past 20 years working to preserve and promote Egypt's musical heritage, and has a heartfelt belief in "authenticity". In a country addicted to mass-produced Arabic pop, he is swimming against the tide. As we drive back into central Cairo from Sinai, we pass a heavily airbrushed billboard of Egypt's premier pop star, Amr Diab. Although the image is decorously cropped just below his muscular shoulders, clearly Diab is wearing nothing but a couple of thong necklaces and a smouldering scowl. He looks about 22.
"Look at this man!" yelps Ibra him. "He's really in his late forties, a few years younger than me. But this is what the market wants." As he oversaw Jerry Can's first forays into the music business, however, Coffee Time ended up being recorded in the same lavish, Gulf-funded Cairo studios used by Diab himself. He acknowledges the irony with a smile. "I can't escape the market for ever. Jerry Can needs it, too."
That night, the band perform a Ramadan concert in a medieval Mameluke wikala, a towering traders' hostel arranged around a central courtyard. Its golden stone galleries are light years away from the scruffy sand of al-Arish and the desert, and the polite audience of expats and middle-class Cairenes is different, too. Sitting on stage in front of a beit sha'ar (a black goat-hair tent) with their coffee pots, the band suddenly look unsure. But as soon as Hassane knocks out an intricate, fluttering beat on his jerrycan, they are transformed. To the sharp, bright sound of the simsimiyya and Ghanaeim's chanted vocals, they bound about the stage, robes and headcloths flying, brandishing tasselled camel sticks and a three-foot coffee-grinding pestle and fencing with home-made swords.
Their energy and the rousing beauty of the songs are irresistible - the usually solemn Gha naeim grins, the players shout encouragement to each other, and the audience claps along. As they come to the end of "Ya el yaleladana", an exultant love song to a recalcitrant Bedouin girl, it is clear that, despite their music's deep roots in the Sinai Desert, it can travel anywhere.
The Bedouin Jerry Can Band play at LSO St Luke's, 161 Old Street, London EC1, on 16 October as part of the Barbican Centre's "Ramadan Nights" season. For more information visit: www.barbican.org.uk
http://www.newstatesman.com/200710040029
The Independent:
My Cold War nights, twiddling the dial
Robert Fisk
Published: 06 October 2007
In a country of political assassinations, Palestinian battles and constant political crisis, it seemed a romantic idea to send a sprig of lavender-coloured bougainvillea from my Beirut balcony to a friend abroad. The bush was covered in purple, so I snipped off a small bloom and swept it off to DHL for shipment. Nothing so simple, you may say. But that reckons without The State.
Hours later, I was summoned to the shipper's office to be solemnly informed that there was a problem. If I took the individual petals off the bloom, I could stuff them into an envelope and off they would go. But if I left them on the stem, complete with twigs, I would need an export permit from the Lebanese Ministry of Agriculture. Aaarrgghhh!
The rationale was simple, of course. However disastrous or fanciful the reality, the machinery of power must continue to exert its baleful influence over our lives, the preservation of authority infinitely more important than us, its integrity supported by massive amounts of money and labour – even though provably worthless.
I am reminded of this by a hobby in which we Kentish schoolboys once indulged: the sending of reception reports – "double-Rs", we inevitably called them – to Eastern European radio stations during the Cold War. It didn't matter to us that we were helping the communist serpent spread its venom into the living rooms of England.
We would listen with rapt attention to the English language service of Radio Moscow or Radio Prague or Radio Warsaw or Radio Sofia – occasionally, incredibly, even to Radio Tirana – and then send off a postcard to the Communist Beast to report on the audibility of some tedious programme about Bulgarian steelworking, Polish agronomy or Soviet collective farm production. Was there too much static? A little distortion perhaps? Or was this nonsense crossing the Iron Curtain with pristine clarity on Thursday night?
In return, the producers of these awful fictions would send us heaps of books and magazines, most of them groaning with statistics, or photographs of gaily smiling farmers and industrial slaves or beaming autocrats. Few were those of us who did not know the much loved features of Todor Zhivkov or Walter Ulbricht or, indeed, the entire central presidium of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Pity the postmen of the Warsaw Pact.
The Polish literature came by the double whammy, volumes heavy with grainy wartime photographs of the destruction of Warsaw which linked the villainy of Nazism to the supposedly fascist government of Adenauer and other western lackeys. The Czechs were by far the smartest; they sent out quite well-produced books on the masterpieces of Prague's art galleries.
Of course, we self-important schoolboys believed that our double-Rs were being discussed at the plenary session of every local party headquarters. Perhaps they were – and heaven knows what MI5 made of this mass conspiracy by the pupils of Kent's richest schools. I fondly imagined how – from Potsdam to the Urals – legions of Stakhanovite workers were clambering up massive transmitters under pale blue Eastern European skies (copies of my double-Rs in hand, of course) to tamper with the giant cross-pylons and beacons that were sending their socialist message to the world.
I once even sent off a double-R to dear old Radio Eireann in Dublin – only to receive back a black-and-white postcard of De Valerian bleakness, informing me that I need send no more. The Irish, of course, had got the point: the whole fandango was a complete waste of time – just as the entire billion-dollar propaganda radio system of Eastern Europe converted not a single capitalist to the cause of world revolution. The entire thing was a sham, dreamed up by communist bureaucrats to keep other communist bureaucrats happy.
I guess we played the same tune in Britain. I recall how, driving up the A1 with my Mum and Dad, Peggy Fisk would use her new cine-camera to film the forests of white-painted – but totally unconcealed – anti-aircraft missiles that lay to the right of the highway. We would even picnic beside RAF stations in Lincolnshire while Mum happily filmed away at every creaking Vulcan bomber which soared into the air to threaten the Soviet monolith (and all those radio stations) with its nuclear might. And yes, I still have the film. But what would have happened to her today – a trip to Paddington Green, I imagine – now that we are fighting the "war on terror"?
For as we all know, this particular spurious conflict is our latest version of the Cold War – as I discovered during an interview with a Spanish journalist and her photographer in London a few months ago. We had, by chance, met at Paddington and I was talking about my childhood delight in loco-spotting (the railway version of double-Rs, I suppose) and I suggested that the photographer might take a picture of me next to a locomotive. So we padded to a platform where a London-Oxford stopping train was about to leave.
Yet after a couple of snaps, two members of the British Transport Police arrived in what appeared to be flak jackets and ordered us to stop filming. One of them said that it was "not permitted" because of the "terrorist campaign". I had vivid images of a nest of ETA militants scissoring out our pictures of the Titfield Thunderbolt and packing their explosive equipment before heading for Paddington.
It's the kind of police tomfoolery which I enjoy most. And with reason. For only last month, advertising the brilliance of the new Eurostar terminal, almost every newspaper in Britain carried huge aerial pictures of the new St Pancras – which showed almost the entire network of rail tracks, switching points, signal gantries and marshalling yards outside the station.
I felt sorry for the vulnerable Titfield Thunderbolt over at Paddington. Because, after all, no terrorist would ever dream of attacking the Eurostar, would they, or study the tracking system outside St Pancras from the air? The words "not permitted" didn't cross the lips of the lads in blue when confronted by the commercial campaign to launch the new Eurostar terminal.
And that's it, I suspect. We create monsters, and then – in the interest of money or bureaucracy – we quietly dismantle them. In the face of evil and incipient civil war, we build transmitters by the thousand or rockets by the million. Our leaders are happy. They have power. And that's what matters. So remember this morning my double-Rs and that sprig of bougainvillea on my balcony.
http://news.independent.co.uk/fisk/article3033368.ece
The Nation:
Anna Politkovskaya's Legacy
Katrina vanden Heuvel
Posted 10/04/2007 @ 4:25pm
One year ago, the Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya was murdered. The fearless, crusading journalist for Russia's leading opposition newspaper, Novaya Gazeta, was just 48 years old when she was found in her Moscow apartment building, shot in the head.
Her unflinching investigative reporting on the brutality and corruption of the Chechen war, as well as other abuses of official power, had made her the target of numerous death threats. On one of her many reporting trips to Chechnya, she was detained and beaten by Russian troops who threw her into a pit, threatened to rape her and performed a mock execution. But, as one of her colleagues wrote soon after her murder, "Anna believed that fate had given her a mission: to tell people the truth about what was actually going on in Chechnya." When she was killed, Politkovskaya was working on an article claiming Chechen civilians were being tortured by security forces loyal to the region's pro-Moscow Consul and now President Ramzan Kadyrov.
In an editorial published immediately after Politkovskaya's assassination, the paper's staff pledged, "While there is a Novaya Gazeta, her killers won't sleep soundly." Four days after her death, the newspaper published her unfinished article, along with photos of the torture victims.
This September, Russia's Prosecutor General announced that ten people had been arrested in Politkovskaya's killing, including a police major, three former police officers and lieutenant colonel in the FSB, the former KGB Yet, for all practical purposes, one year later, her brazen murder remains unsolved. Despite what Russian officials have claimed as breakthroughs, Roman Shleinov, an investigative editor at Novaya Gazeta, says the truth is still buried. The paper's courageous editor-in-chief, Dmitrii Muratov, who was initially satisfied with the progress of the official investigation-even cooperating with it- now believes that media leaks, the demotion of the lead investigator, the release of a key suspect, and claims of gaping holes in the evidence have undermined hopes of justice being served. And the paper's editors dispute the official version of foreign involvement in Politkovskaya's murder -that it was done in order to discredit the Kremlin and destabilize the Russian state. Novaya Gazeta continues to conduct an independent investigation of its martyred reporter's murder.
However murky the official Russian investigation, what remains clear is that Anna Politkovskaya endures as an example of the importance of truth and courage in journalism. It is that importance -and her fearless pursuit of justice for the powerless and vulnerable -which will be remembered in memorials,from Moscow to London and New York, this weekend.
In London, on the evening of October 5th, a new international human rights group supporting women human rights defenders and women and girl victims of war and conflict - RAW in WAR (Reach all Women in WAR)-will mark its founding by honoring Anna. Mariana Katzarova, a journalist, human rights advocate and RAW's founder, told me that Anna was very supportive of RAW's work and had just agreed to join the group's advisory board a few days before she was killed. To honor her, and other women human rights defenders, Mariana says, RAW decided to establish a RAW in WAR annual award in the name of Anna Politkovskaya. This year the award will go to Natalya Estemirova, a woman activist from Anna's war-the war in Chechnya. Natalya continues to work for the human rights group Memorial in the Chechen capital of Grozny. (We are publishing her disturbing article about how she and Anna fought to bring a torturer to justice.)
Since 1992, 47 Russian journalists have been murdered, 33 during Boris Yeltsin's presidency, and the vast majority of cases remain unsolved. Some of the most fearless-and vulnerable-of these reporters were women, like Yulia Yudina, chief editor of a provincial paper far from Moscow, who was investigating local corruption. Today, many of those speaking up for media freedom and independence are women, often in the provinces of Russia. Indeed in these bleak times for independent media in Russia, And while a great many mainstream Moscow journalists are compliant, there are hopeful signs of solidarity among the country's journalists. Last May, for example, TV2, located in the Siberian city of Tomsk, posted an open letter to President Putin in defense of media freedom. Within a few days, more than 2000 journalists from almost all Russian regions had signed the petition.
While Anna Politkovskaya's paper, Novaya Gazeta, remains the most critical oppositionist newspaper with national influence in Putin's Russia, it has paid a heavy price for its crusading investigations into high-level corruption, human rights violations and abuses of power. Three of its reporters-Igor Domnikov and Yuri Shchekochikhin- have been killed- Ana being the most recent victim. Yet, the paper's tenacious editor, Dmitrii Muratov continues to fight for press freedom -and for justice on behalf of his slain colleagues. This November, he will receive the Committee to Protect Journalist's 2007 International Press Freedom Award at a ceremony in New York city.
Lost amid so much of the remembrance of Anna's killing, one year later, is a sad irony: She was assassinated on the 20th anniversary of the unfolding of Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost policy, in 1986, which led to an increasingly free press. Today, the former Soviet President-who has long been a financial supporter of Novaya Gazeta (he donated part of his 1990 Nobel Peace Prize Award to pay for start-up computers and salaries), is a part owner of the newspaper. It was his words, upon learning of Politkovskaya's murder, that stay with me on this anniversary: " Her murder was a savage crime against the country, against all of us...a blow to the entire democratic, independent press." Let all who care about a free press and a democratic society work to ensure that Anna Politkovskaya's newspaper thrive as an oppositionist, independent force- and that her killers be brought to justice.
http://www.thenation.com/blogs/edcut?pid=240078
ZNet | Haiti
Haiti: A Modern Tragedy
by Roger Annis; October 06, 2007
An Unbroken Agony
Haiti, From Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President
By Randall Robinson
Basic Civitas Books 280 pages, $26.00 US
Randall Robinson has written the story of a great tragedy of recent times-the violent overthrow of Haiti’s elected president and government on February 29, 2004. An Unbroken Agony: Haiti, From Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President gives a blow by blow account of the events surrounding that tragedy.
The author brings impressive credentials to the task. He helped to found the Trans Africa Forum, one of the most established human rights and social justice advocacy organizations in the U.S., dedicated to improving the lot of people of African descent. The Forum has long fought for a fair and respectful U.S. economic and political relationship with Haiti. His work gave him an enduring respect for the ousted president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and his wife Mildred.
Robinson writes with an unapologetic passion for the Haitian people’s historic fight against slavery and colonialism. He situates the tragic events of 2004 on the broader canvas of the racism and imperial arrogance that has dominated the policies of the world’s big powers towards Haiti, particularly those of the U.S. and France.
Why is Haiti so poor, the uninformed observer will ask. Surely, after 200 years of nominal independence the country could do better?
“As punishment for creating the first free republic in the Americas (when thirteen percent of the people living in the United States were slaves),” Robinson replies, “The new Republic of Haiti was met with a global economic embargo imposed by the United States and Europe.”
“The Haitian economy has never recovered from the havoc France (and America) wreaked upon it, during and after slavery.”
Robinson is not trying to write a comprehensive history of Haiti. (Paul Farmer’s The Uses of Haiti fits that bill admirably.) He does, however, provide enough historical background to explain the present-day.
The author rushes the reader back and forth in time and place in an effort to recreate the drama and tragedy of February 2004. “It was Friday, February 27, 2004,” he opens one chapter, “the evening before the last day of Haitian democracy.”
The stage for the overthrow of February 29, 2004 was set in the national election in the year 2000. Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected president for a second time. The U.S., France and Canada, the three contemporary overseers of Haiti, threw up their hands in exasperation over the electorate’s choice of a man and a political movement dedicated to lifting the burden of their crushing poverty.
Aristide promised improvements to the lot of the desperately poor Haitian majority, and he was a man of his word. The big powers would have none of it. They began an embargo of aid funds to the government, directing funds instead to parallel services operated by “non-governmental” or charitable organizations. Soon they would also block the government’s requests to international financial institutions for loans to finance ambitious education and health care projects
More ominously, money and arms flowed to paramilitary forces sponsored by the venal Haitian elite and drawn from the disbanded Haitian army or purged Haitian National Police. The paramilitaries were safely lodged in the neighbouring Dominican Republic. Robinson captures the gravity and drama of the periodic assaults they launched against the institutions of the Haitian government following the 2000 election.
When the paramilitaries launched what became a final incursion in early 2004, they were a small force, no more than 200. They were feared and hated by the majority of the Haitian people. By virtue of an overwhelming superiority of arms, they were able to wreck government rule in cities in the north of the country. But they didn’t have a chance of taking the capital city. That task fell to their international sponsors, and this was done on February 28-29. The U.S., France, Canada and Chile landed troops at strategic locations in the country.
The Aristides were taken by U.S military forces to one of the most isolated countries in the world, the Central African Republic. An Unbroken Agony kicks into high gear as the author tells the story of the delegation he led on a harrowing flight to the Central African Republic on March 14 to rescue them from a quasi-imprisonment. The delegation included U.S. congresswoman Maxine Walters. It had no idea of the reception it would receive from the country’s ruler, François Bozize, a client of French imperialism. After many tense hours, Bozize gave permission to the delegation to leave, its mission accomplished. The Aristides were granted political exile in South Africa, where they remain to this day.
One of the myths perpetrated by supporters of the foreign intervention in Haiti is that Jean-Bertrand Aristide was prepared to leave the presidency and the country in the face of the mounting political pressure against him. The Aristides accepted a U.S. offer to whisk them out of the country, so the story goes. Robinson presents extensive documentation to dispel the myth.
An Unbroken Agony prompted many questions in the mind of this reader. How did the paramilitaries achieve such a devastating impact? The Haitians who overthrew Haitian democracy in February 2004 were a tiny force—their principal leader, Guy Philippe, received less than two percent of the vote in the 2006 presidential election. Were there more decisive steps that the Aristide government could have taken to defend the country and minimize the havoc they caused following the 200 election?
And what has become of Latin American solidarity? Robinson describes the selfless measures of the early 19th century Haitian revolutionaries to aid the independence struggle of the South American peoples led by Simón Bolivar. Today, the majority of the 7,100 foot soldiers of the post-2004 UN-sponsored occupation force in Haiti are drawn from the countries of Latin America, with Brazil — whose president is the leader of the governing “Workers Party” — in the lead. The UN force is responsible for innumerable killings and jailings of pro-democracy fighters following February 2004. Thankfully, substantial aid and solidarity to Haiti from Venezuela and Cuba keeps the banner of Simón Bolivar flying high in Haiti.
Haiti is living an unprecedented economic and social calamity as a consequence of the coup d’etat of 2004. The violent overthrow of its government received little attention or concern from democratic opinion in the world. A shameful silence still reigns.
Roger Annis travelled to Haiti from August 5 to 20 as a participant in a human rights investigative delegation. He can be reached at rogerannis@hotmail.com. You can read his reports from Haiti at www.thac.ca/blog/9.
http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=55&ItemID=13973
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